The Feminist Consciousness

Feminism is more than a philosophy or ideology. It is a "vocabulary of motives" maintained by strong group support. Becoming a feminist leads to a transformation of consciousness and an alteration in the perception and interpretation of everyday life. I focused on "consciousness" as the organization of perceptions of women that included an awareness or self-consciousness of this organization.
Seven expected findings were developed comparing feminists and nonfeminists on three dimensions of consciousness: perceptions of women, autonomy and self-control, and overt feminist interpretation. A projective measure consisting of 14 pictures was administered to college women. Respondents wrote stories about the pictures in response to standard TAT questions. A feminist consciousness emerged as a recognizeable and distinct process. Feminists are more likely to use a feminist vocabulary of motives, introduce the general theme of sexism or specific feminist themes such as job discrimination. The stories of the two groups differed significantly in their degree of observable feminism. Women are portrayed by feminists as struggling for autonomy in life situations but are not perceived as having control over their lives in traditional and ambiguous settings. Feminists do not appear to be ideologically oriented; and while the feminist consciousness is distinctive, it is not monolithic or unidimensional. Feminists interject feminism into their interpretation of everyday life and perceive situations differently from nonfeminists leading to the conclusion that their subjective experience is different from that of nonfeminists.     

Professional feminists: Challenging local government inside out

Gender equality work in local government carried out during the 1980s presents a valuable site to explore the interaction between professional and feminist working. In the history of the Women's Liberation Movement (WLM) and feminist organizing more broadly in the UK, professional working has often been positioned as antithetical to feminist working, and relatively little scholarship has examined the interface between the two. This article argues that the individuals involved should be considered ‘professional feminists’ as opposed to ‘femocrats’, drawing from across feminist, social movement and organizational theory, and interviews carried out in 2011 and archival texts from three UK councils. It also suggests their work (undertaken between the beginning of the 1980s and the beginning of the 1990s) serves to blur the boundaries usually marked between social movement and state. This contributes to the existing literature by exploring the specific understandings and practices put to work by those working on gender equality professionally, but not in an elected capacity, within local government, and how their work can be positioned in relation to feminist organizing more broadly.     

Traditional and Nontraditional Mormon Women:

Political attitudes and sociolization of traditional, tranisitional, feminist Mormon and feminist ex-Mormon women were examined. The feminist groups had less conservative political beliefs and party affiliations and more liberal attitudes toward authority than the traditional and transitional women. Contrary to hypotheses, sense of personal control in the childhood family and mother's independence were not greater among feminists than among traditional women nor were fathers more encouraging of mothers' autonomy. Feminists were, as expected, less emotionally close to their mothers. Mothers of feminists were less politically conservative and likely to work full-time. An argument for a modeling and a dissatisfaction effect was made.     

Why the personal remained political: comparing second and third wave perspectives on everyday feminism

Everyday feminist practices are located in the personal lives of feminists, therefore, third wave feminists frequently use the slogan the personal is political to emphasise the political value of such practices. Often, second wave feminists do not agree with this interpretation of the famous feminist catchphrase, which initially meant to call for collective political responses to personal experiences of gender inequalities. This article investigates this dispute that is symbolic of the broader relationship between second and third wave feminism. It compares both perspectives on everyday feminism by relating arguments for and against the political value of everyday feminism to empirical findings of a qualitative study. Based on 40 interviews with second and third wave feminists in New Zealand, I argue that the dispute is based on a number of misunderstandings between the opposing perspectives. Disentangling those misunderstandings, I conclude that although everyday feminism as a manifestation of ‘the personal’ works towards ‘small’ political aims, it is a political practice.     

Promoting social equality values to improve judgement of a woman reporting sexism / El fomento de valores relacionados con la igualdad social para mejorar la opinión sobre las mujeres que denuncian discriminación por sexismo

Previous research has shown that discriminated women blame themselves more than they blame discrimination when meritocracy values are salient. In two studies, we examined whether meritocracy values also influence female observers when they judge a female victim of sexism. Such values were expected to lead them to judge more positively a victim incriminating herself than a victim claiming discrimination. Conversely, social equality values should lead them to judge more positively a victim claiming discrimination. Women who were either feminists or non-feminists (Study 1) or who were exposed to either social equality values or personal merit values (Study 2) had to judge a female victim of sexism who ascribed what happened to discrimination or to her ability. Feminist women and women exposed to social equality judged the female victim more positively when she reported discrimination than when she incriminated herself. The reverse pattern of judgement was observed for non-feminist women and women exposed to meritocracy values. The importance of values is discussed to improve the image of women claiming sexism.     

Swedish Feminism, 1835–1945: A Conservative Revolution

Abstract Analysis of the early Swedish women's movement shows that its accomplishments were shaped more by structural and political changes under way in Sweden at the time, than by specific feminist demands. My claim is that the gains of Swedish feminists largely accrued from efforts on the part of political state leaders to incorporate women as a constituent group during a period of increasing class conflict. Many of the Swedish social reforms which promoted gender equality were derived from the goals of politicians to modulate class tensions and increase their political base of support. This helps account for the fact that the gains won, while considerable, often had little to do with the project of the feminist movement.     

BOOK REVIEWS

The authors argue that promoting gender equality without simultaneously promoting changes in capitalist workplace organization and capitalist cultural values systems will likely result in the unintended consequence of less meaningful leisure for mature women of the future. The current problem of declining leisure for both men and women, but especially women, is described, analyzed, and projected to the future. Certain assumptions are made about societal forces: liberal reform feminists continue to alter the system of gender stratification, male advantage continues to decrease, and capitalism continues to develop. The authors use a Marxist‐feminist interpretation to help explain the structure and dynamics of the leisure problem.     

Choices and life chances: feminism and the politics of generational change

The perception that young women are disengaged from feminist politics has provoked a great deal of tension between feminist generations. Recent feminist research into generational change has largely avoided this tension by focusing on the shifting meanings of feminism and the discrepancy between young women's reluctance to identify as “feminists” and their general acceptance of feminist attitudes toward gender issues. Nevertheless, in an era when gender equity goals seem to be if not slipping backwards then lacking urgency, young women are less likely to identify with a collective feminist politics than are older women. Underpinned by the findings of a major study of the attitudes toward work, family, and retirement of three generations of Australian women, this paper develops an approach that helps explain this reluctance. Drawing on the work of Karl Mannheim, the paper suggests that the cultural currents shaping the consciousness of different generations of women impact significantly on gender identity. The implications of this cultural shift are considered in the context of feminist politics and the contemporary “culture wars.”     

The practice and perceptions of RRI—A gender perspective

Little is known to date about the practice and perceptions of RRI among researchers in Europe as well as the integration of the gender dimension into everyday RRI practices. This lack was addressed by two large-scale surveys that were launched in the course of the EU-funded MoRRI project (Monitoring the evolution and benefits of RRI, Contract number RTD-B6-PP-00964-2013, Duration 09/2013–03/2018). The analysis shows that the institutional environment positively influences the degree of RRI activities and the general attitudes towards more responsible research and innovation: researchers working in an institutional environment that systematically supports the practice of RRI are more active in RRI practices than researchers who do not rely on such structures. For the gender equality dimension, this means that institutions with a gender equality plan (GEP) in place are more inclined to support female researchers than institutions without such institutional incentives. Furthermore, researchers with experiences in EU-funded projects are more likely to be engaged in RRI activities. Even if female researchers have a stronger inclination to engage with society than their male counterparts, gender competence proves to be the relevant distinguishing criterion. Gender competent researchers are more often involved in other RRI activities.     

“This Is Our Gender Person”

Despite the prevalence of gender experts in international development institutions, their impact in terms of transformative feminist politics remains questionable. Gender experts, and their profession more broadly, have been strongly criticized by a range of feminists working in academic contexts. In particular, some have argued that neoliberalism and feminism have converged,  framing the role of gender experts as primarily to legitimate and embed neoliberal models of development. This article engages with these critiques from the perspective of the gender expert her/himself, drawing on first-hand experiences to tease out some of the tensions and complexities of this work. After setting out some general challenges for gender experts, I focus on one particular aspect of the current gender and development paradigm – the “business case” for gender equality – and explore how it feels to work within such a framework. In doing so, I aim to reflect on the possibilities of promoting transformative change whilst at the same time acknowledging and embracing the dilemmas and contradictions involved in the daily politics of working as a gender expert.     

Humorous Assaults on Patriarchal Ideology*

Humor is a significant weapon in interpersonal and intergroup conflict and competition. Over the centuries, males have used humor and jokes to create and perpetuate patriarchal ideals, relationships, and structures. Today, feminists and other proponents of gender equality use humor to deconstruct patriarchal ideologies and sexist stereotypes. This exploratory study analyzes a collection of over 1,700 jokes identified as feminist and women's humor to discover what these jokes suggest with regard to the male‐dominant structure in society and how these jokes are subversive in attempting to disrupt gender stereotypes and roles. We find that the humor of women and feminists seeks, in part, to discredit assumptions of males’ superiority, masterfulness, sexual prowess, and extraordinary value to women and society. These jokes may, however, also work to reinforce stereotypes associated with men and women: “If they could send a man to the moon, why not just send all of them?”     

Index of Volume 4, 2002

This article links a theoretical debate within poststructural feminisms – whether feminist politics can be pursued without hegemonic representations of women and gender – to the practice of transnational feminist organizing in the World Conference against Racism (WCAR) in Durban in 2001. It goes beyond the traditional analysis of ‘adding’ gender to a mega world conference and asks the critical question of what

gender signifies in this instance of UN politics. The article argues that feminists’ strategic use of the concept of ‘gender as intersectionality’ marks a paradigm shift from the predominant monolithic representation of gender as women, being equal to or different from men, in international human rights frameworks. It puts the issue of diversity among women at the forefront of the intergovernmental WCAR. Far from entailing an abandonment of feminist politics, as some poststructuralist feminists have suggested, it is argued that opening up ‘gender’ for unlimited signification in

the case of WCAR marks the beginning of a new phase of transnational feminist mobilization.     

Evangelical Women and Feminism:

Although a number of studies have demonstrated that evangelical women are more likely than other women to take anti-feminist positions, recent research suggests that there might be substantial support among evangelicals for certain feminist positions. Using data from the 1984 American National Election study, we find that evangelical women are indeed more antifeminist than other women, but that a sizable minority take feminist positions on a number of issues. Approximately one in six can be classified as having a politicized feminist consciousness, while an additional quarter are potential converts to the feminist cause. These potential feminists are fairly negative toward the feminist movement, however. This is due in part to the association by many evangelical women between the women's movement, lesbian rights, and abortion.     

Feminist attitudes and ideologies: an examination of a Northeastern US MSW program

The relationship that Masters in Social Work (MSW) students in the United States have with feminism appears to be paradoxical, in which MSW students tend to endorse feminist principles but are hesitant to identify themselves as feminists. In an effort to better understand MSW student support of feminist principles, as well as social work students’ relationship with feminism and possible implications for social work education, a survey of MSW students was conducted at a Northeastern US MSW program utilizing an established scale, the Liberal Feminist Attitude and Ideology Scale, which is comprised of five subscales. Scores on the subscales were compared and findings indicate that MSW students were more likely to highly endorse the Gender Roles, Global Goals, and Specific Political Agendas subscales compared to Discrimination and Subordination and Collective Action subscales; suggesting that students promote gender role parity and feminist goals, but were less likely to acknowledge discrimination and the need for collective action. This article will discuss the importance of social work education as an instrument for exploring the ways in which women face gender-based discrimination and highlighting the necessity for students to take a more active role in participating in collective action to reduce gender-based oppression.     

Lesbians Define Themselves: Diversity in Lesbian Identification

Ninety-nine self-identified lesbians provided definitions of what being a lesbian meant to them. A content analysis revealed two major categories: politically-based definitions and nonpolitical definitions. The political definitions included two highly interrelated subgroups, one of definitions based on woman-identification and the other including a broader world view that included affiliations with other oppressed groups. Nonpolitical definitions included four subgroups; those who defined lesbianism as sex/love with women, lesbianism as a true essence, just happening to love a woman, and lesbianism as only one small aspect of the person. There were only a few differences between women who cited political definitions and those with nonpolitical definitions. Lesbians who provided political definitions were more likely to identify themselves as feminists, were more involved in political activities and slightly more of them had a history of depression and eating disorders. Lesbians who provided nonpolitical definitions were more likely to have children, to have been raised in a conservative religion, and to think that they were born as lesbians. Various interpretations of the categories of definitions are provided.     

Political Ideology,Sociobiology, and teh U.S. Women's Rights Movement

An analysis of ideology in the United States reveals a major barrier to political and economic equality, where previously excluded groups are found to be characteristically different from historical and current participants in the area of political or economic access. This analysis is used to describe why sociobiological research threatens U.S. women's rights advocates (reform feminists) pursuing equality with men. It is argued, however, that by providing a contrast to the dominant ideological assumptions about human nature, and by providing supporting arguments for some reform feminist proposals, sociobiology merits the attention of reform feminists.     

Decomposing Gender Beliefs: Cross‐National Differences in Attitudes Toward Maternal Employment and Gender Equality at Home

Few cross‐national studies distinguish between different aspects of gender egalitarianism and compare them systematically. In this study, we examine cross‐national differences in attitudes toward mothers' participation in the labor market and toward gender equality within the household, using a multilevel analysis of individual data from 33 nations. The results indicate greater support for employed mothers, but a lower level of approval of gender equality at home, among residents of countries that offer women more educational and economic opportunities. We argue that macrolevel gender equality increases individuals', particularly women's, incentives to support female labor force participation. Because of a persistent belief in gender differentiation, however, macrolevel gender equality has the opposite relationship with attitudes toward altering gendered practices beyond enabling women's public sphere participation. The fewer explicit barriers to women's achievement in society, the more likely individuals will feel a need to defend gendered roles in the private sphere. That the potential harm of advocating gendered practices in the private sphere is smaller in societies with fewer impediments for women is also likely to account for the negative association between macrolevel gender equality and support for egalitarian gender roles at home.     

Gender and Infrastructure in the World Bank

This article conducts a critical analysis of the World Bank's current infrastructure strategy from a feminist perspective, arguing that failures to define gender and set meaningful targets and indicators have meant that gender has not been integrated into the implementation of infrastructure projects. It sets out three limitations to the Bank's approach to gender and infrastructure: lack of awareness of gender in the four sectors that comprise infrastructure; the Bank's narrow approach to gender equality and women's empowerment; and the failure of the Bank to mainstream gender in its current infrastructure strategy.     

Interacting with the State: Feminist Strategies and Political Opportunities

In recent years feminists have been engaged in new debates about gender and the state. Instead of adopting either a purely structural or agential approach, the emphasis in these debates is on the interactive relationship between the two. Feminists in political science have not been immune to this trend. Work is emerging in this field which dissaggregates the state to consider the way different political institutions shape and are shaped by engagement with feminist actors. This article contributes to these efforts by providing a detailed comparative analysis of feminist strategies and political opportunities in two similar political systems - Australia and Canada. A number of key points emerge from this study. First, similar institutions in different countries provide varying opportunities for feminists. As a result, it is not possible to make emphatic claims about certain institutions being more or less beneficial for feminists. Second, feminists respond to these opportunities by adopting certain strategies over others. Through these strategies, feminists can have a direct bearing on the opportunity structure open to them. What the experiences of Canadian and Australian feminists tell us is that the relationship between feminists and political institutions changes over both time and place; that it is interactive and dynamic, rather than predictable and permanent.     

The end of the gender revolution? Gender role attitudes from 1977 to 2008

After becoming consistently more egalitarian for more than two decades, gender role attitudes in the General Social Survey have changed little since the mid-1990s. This plateau mirrors other gender trends, suggesting a fundamental alteration in the momentum toward gender equality. While cohort replacement can explain about half of the increasing egalitarianism between 1974 and 1994, the changes since the mid-1990s are not well accounted for by cohort differences. Nor is the post-1994 stagnation explained by structural or broad ideological changes in American society. The recent lack of change in gender attitudes is more likely the consequence of the rise of a new cultural frame, an "egalitarian essentialism" that blends aspects of feminist equality and traditional motherhood roles.