Upgraded to Bad Jobs: Low‐Wage Black Women's Relative Status since 1970

Labor market changes complicate the analysis of black women's status relative to white women because education, occupational attainment, and race–gender are now less predictive of earnings. Low‐wage black women's relative status has improved somewhat from 1970 to 2000, contrary to the well‐documented decrease in relative status reported for all black women wage earners since 1980, but their dramatic occupational upgrading was not responsible for the trend. White‐collar occupational positions formerly responsible for white women's relative earnings advantage no longer deliver that reward, as restructuring has produced a proliferation of bad jobs across occupational groups. This study argues that increasing exposure to precarious work is crucial to understanding changes in low‐wage black women's relative economic status since 1970.     

Government wage differentials revisited

This paper updates studies done in the mid-1970s concerning the measurement of government wage differentials in the United States. Based on an analysis of two large micro data sets, we reached the following conclusions. First, as a group, government employees earned a small wage premium of approximately 2 to 3 percent during the 1970s and early 1980s. Second, the government wage premium was substantially higher for federal employees and for women employees. These findings are consistent with earlier studies. We thank Eanswythe Leicester and Ken Emery for their research assistance and Diane Kurtz for her clerical assistance.     

Labor market outcomes of immigrant women in the United States: 1970 to 1990

42% of immigrant workers in the US are women. Data from the 1970, 1980, and 1990 US censuses are analyzed in the study of differences in labor market outcomes between US-born and immigrant women, and among immigrant women born in different countries or regions of the world. There was little difference between US-born and immigrant women as a whole in 1970. However, over the next 20 years, immigrants women's labor force participation rate and weekly earnings relative to natives became lower, and their unemployment rates became higher. By 1990, the wage gap was 14%. At the same time, the share of self-employed women and the amount of time worked among employed women were almost the same for immigrant women and the US-born throughout the period 1970-90. Immigrants born in the UK, Canada, Europe, Japan, Korea, China, the Philippines, and the Middle East have had steady or improved wages and unemployment relative to US-born women. Immigrants from Mexico and Central America have experienced relatively high unemployment and low earnings, with the wage gap reaching 35% in 1990. Disparities in the number of completed years of schooling explains a substantial share of the observed differences in labor market outcomes.     

How international trade affects union wages: New evidence

We reexamine the effect of import competition on union wages using the NBER Industry Data for Imports and Exports by SIC category 1987– 1994 (Feenstra, 1996). We find that the effect of import share on union wage levels and wage growth is zero by the end of the twelve-year period covering 1983– 1994. These results suggest that although import competition initially reduced union wages in the late 1970s and early 1980s, by 1987 union wages were largely unaffected by import competition. Apparently, the diminished import effect results from increased union strength over the period, particularly in highly organized industries. The authors appreciate the comments of Barry T. Hirsch and Wm. S. Mounts. David Macpherson aided in the development of our CPS data sets.     

Labour migration in the Arab Gulf states: patterns,trends and prospects

This paper presents an analysis of recent changes in the scale and characteristics of non-national migration to, and employment in, the 6 Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) member states. In 1985, the size of the workforce in the Gulf States was 7.1 million. Non-nationals comprised 68% (in Saudi Arabia) to almost 91% (in United Arab Emirates) of the workforce. 63% of the non-nationals were from Asia. Non-national Arab workers represented 30% of the total. In 1985, 36% of all migrant workers came from India and Pakistan. Almost 30% of the non-nationals were employed in services (financial, personal, and community), and almost 29% were in construction. Non-nationals dominate 3 sectors: construction, manufacturing, and utilities. Non-nationals account for a relatively low 55% of the oil sector. The phenomenal rate of growth in non-national workforces during the mid 1970s began to slow in the 1980s. Labor permit issues peaked in the late 1970s and again in 1983-84. The timing and scale of the decline varies by sending country and by destination, reflecting variations in the rate and extent of the economic slowdown in different GCC states, as well as relative wage rates, occupational composition, and organization of the various labor flows. For example, Indian case worker placements fell by 49% between 1983 and 1986, while the number of Filipinos placed fell by 15%. During the 1980s, most Gulf states have increased efforts to enforce labor and residence regulations, but the number of illegal workers has continued to grow. During the 1st half of the 1980s, demand for non-national labor increasingly turned towards new supplies in South and Southeast Asia, notably Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Indonesia, Thailand, and the Philippines. Meanwhile, an increasing share of Arab and South Asian workers were renewing their work permits, often on less favorable terms. The construction sector has had the greatest decline in new labor inflows; however, the service sector is still growing. Wage rates have fallen an average of 20-30%, and up to 45% since 1983. Since 1985, about 615,000 non-national workers have left. Southeast Asian labor has been most acutely affected by the sharp downturn in economic activity. By 1990, the non-national workforce should decline to 4.36 million, but then it will increase slowly. The number and share of Southeast Asians will rise.     

The impact of deregulation on labor demand in class-I railroads

This paper examines the impact of the Staggers Rail Act of 1980 on labor demand in Class-I railroads during 1961–1990. The demand for labor is a function of output, hourly wage rates, a time trend, and a vector of interactive dummy variables. Since deregulation, the labor demand curve has shifted downward; wage elasticities have become more elastic, ranging from −0.668 in 1980 to −1.187 in 1990; output elasticities trended upward from 0.557 to 0.809; and the marginal product of labor rose from 3.421 to 5.296 during 1980–1990. These findings suggest that unions’ bargaining power has declined, that the total wage bill is likely to decrease if the real wage rate rises further, and that cost savings and efficiency gains are realized through increases in the marginal product of labor. We thank an anonymous referee and Henry McFarland for insightful comments and assistance.     

CHANGEABLE WEATHER IN A COOLING CLIMATE ATOP THE LIBERAL PLATEAU: CONVERSION AND REPLACEMENT IN FORTY-TWO GENERAL SOCIAL SURVEY ITEMS, 1972-1989

This article tracks trends (early 1970s to late 1980s) in U.S.opinion for 42 General Social Survey items with liberal/ conservativeovertones. The broad question is whether the great "liberal"shift since World War II has ended; the narrow issue is therelative importance of cohort succession and intracohort shifts.Despite common impressions, the overall trend is more liberalthan conservative, but it conceals opposing "weather" and "climate"processes. Within cohorts ("weather") I find a conservativetrend between the early and late 1970s and a liberal "rebound"in the 1980s. Between cohorts virtually all items show smallbut cumulative liberalizing produced by cohort succession. Thesecohort effects are declining in magnitude because the associationbetween year of birth and liberalism is nonlinear. I find acurvilinearity such that Americans born after World War II arenot consistently more liberal than their predecessors. Thisshift is not explained by the lesser schooling of youngest adultsor by ceiling effects. Consequently, I predict lessening ofthe liberalizing "climate" produced by cohort succession. Allthese propositions are qualified, depending on the topic, andthe analysis takes heed of the notorious age/period/cohort identificationproblem.     

Independent Workers, Dependable Mothers: Discourse, Resistance, and AFDC Workfare Programs

In the late 1980s the United States demanded that all womenreceiving federal welfare payments begin efforts to move offof welfare and into wage work. Underlying these demands wasa discourse of dependency that opposed wage work to state benefits,men to women, white to people of color, and deserving to undeserving.This article examines the operation of dependency discoursein one city's welfare-to-work program, explicating the waysin which staff and welfare clients manipulated the discourse,creating some spaces for resistance by poor nonwhite women receivingwelfare.     

A living wage for former welfare recipients entering employment: The case of Butler County,Ohio

Since the late 1970s, changes in family income in the United States have varied by income category. While the average income of families with children in the top 20% of the income distribution has grown, the average income of families with children in the bottom 20% has declined. Factors contributing to the growing income gap include disparities in wages paid to low-income workers relative to high-income workers, an increase in female-headed single parent families, and a decrease in the value of the minimum wage. Welfare reform will likely only exacerbate this situation. This study synthesizes existing research as well as data from an Ohio county to demonstrate that the minimum wage incomes available to poor families are not sufficient for even basic necessities. In order for former AFDC recipients to become economically independent, government policies must be enacted to increase wages and/or provide income assistance for poor families.     

Food stamps and the time cost of food preparation

Using a structural model of time allocation between household production and market work, I estimate the shadow wage of household production. I combine data from the American Time Use Survey and the Current Population Survey??s Food Security Supplement to estimate the time cost as well as the total cost of food preparation at home. Using information on whether a household received food stamp benefits, I compare actual food stamp recipients?? time cost to those who do not receive food stamp benefits. Previous literature that also uses American Time Use Survey data suggests that ??typical?? food stamp recipients incur a higher time cost of preparing food at home. I cannot confirm this finding using actual data on food stamp recipients and non-recipients. In fact, the lower shadow wage of household production of food stamp recipients more than offsets the larger amount of time spent preparing food at home, generating lower time cost of food preparation for them.     

Countercyclical union wage premium? Evidence for the 1980s

Empirical results based on pooled male data from the Panel Survey of Income Dynamics indicate an overall union wage premium of about 11.92 percent for the 1980s. In response to fluctuations in local labor market conditions, proxied by the local unemployment rate, a much more flexible wage-setting process is found in the nonunion sector relative to the union sector. The long-term effect of unemployment on nonunion real wages suggests an approximate 0.6 percent decline for every one percentage point increase in unemployment, a statistically significant reduction, but the long-term effect of unemployment on real wages of union members is negligible. The union wage premium ranges between 11.6 to 12.3 percent for the sample years. Even though union wages are insensitive to short-run fluctuations in local labor market conditions, and are somewhat countercyclical in nature, widespread union wage concessions which occurred during the 1980s may now be exerting a downward pressure on union wages. We acknowledge financial support of National Science Foundation [OSR-9350540], the Ada Howe Kent Research Fund, and The Fogelman Academic Research Excellence Fund. We thank Barbara Ganley for valuable editorial comments and Noga Peled for her able research assistance. The usual caveat applies.     

Pleasure and Danger: An Appreciation of Muriel Dimen

ABSTRACT

In this essay I recall a 40-year experience knowing and working with Muriel Dimen. This is a reminiscence of a shared activist life in the late 1970s and 1980s and later our lives emerging in psychoanalysis and relational psychoanalysis after the mid-1980s. It is an appreciation of the particular turns and potent hot spots in Muriel Dimen’s evolving theorizing of sexuality and power, body and gender and culture from this point in the mid-1980s to her death in 2016.     

From the WPA to Workfare

This paper examines two fundamentally different types of government work programs that have been implemented in the U.S. from the 1930's through the 1980's. Voluntary job creation programs, such as the Works Progress Administration in the 1930's and the Comprehensive Employment and Training Act in the 1970's, have created conflicts with the logic of capitalist production- for-profit. Contradictory regulations designed to avoid these conflicts have led to criticisms of the programs as "make-work" and inefficient. On the other hand, mandatory programs, such as workfare and the 1988 Family Support Act, have channeled welfare recipients into the low wage labor market and are consonant with production-for-profit criteria. Drawing on this analysis, principles and policies are suggested for a progressive government work program.     

Policies for a Smoother Transition from Work to Retirement

Japan has maintained a relatively high labor-force participation rate among older people. Although the rate had declined steadily until the mid-1980s, the trend has since reversed and the participation rate is expected to rise in the future. In contrast, the laborforce participation of older people has sharply declined in the United States and European countries, especially since the 1970s. This article explores why Japan's experience differs markedly from other advanced countries. Improved pensions have a strong influence toward early retirement, even in Japan. However, other factors such as a low replacement ratio, improved health, and several loopholes in the income test of the pension systems push up the participation rate of older people. The government also encourages active labor-force participation of senior citizens by introducing reformed partial working pensions and wage subsidies for workers in their second and third careers.     

Women's and men's subjective class identification from the 1970s to the 1990s

This study examines the subjective class identification of employed married women and men during the 1970s, 1980s, and 1990s. Using data from the General Social Survey, we test three competing models of subjective class identification: status borrowing, independent status, and status sharing. The findings indicate that the predictors of class identification for both women and men have changed considerably over the past three decades. The model for men has shifted from an independent model in the 1970s to a sharing model that depends on their gender‐role attitudes in the 1980s, and, further, to a sharing model irrespective of gender‐role attitudes in the 1990s. The model for women has moved away from a complex borrowing model of the 1970s toward a sharing model in the 1980s and 1990s, with women's gender‐role attitudes shaping their class identification process in the 1970s and 1980s, but not in the 1990s.     

Theory-bashing and answer-improving in the study of social movements

Over the 1970s and 1980s, a “theory-bashing” mindset gained popularity among sociologists of social movements and, for a period, overshadowed the alternative mindset of seeking to improve answers to questions about social movements. Now on the wane, theory-bashing nonetheless retains a significant presence. This mindset has a number of attractions and virtues and it is, broadly speaking, legitimate. But, it also has negative features and consequences that I want to point out. I begin by showing how the theory-bashing differs from the answer-improving mindset and I then explain ways in which the former hinders the analysis of social movements even though it can also be helpful. Finally, I offer a sociological account of why theory-bashing has been so popular in movement studies. His most recent book isPolite Protesters: The American Peace Movement of the 1980s (Syracuse University Press, 1993).     

Blind Faith in the Free Market: Urban Poverty, Residential Segregation, and Federal Housing Retrenchment, 1970–1995

In recent years, research on poverty and segregation has been organized within a dominant discourse that centers on the relative salience of racial discrimination or macroeconomic change as a determinant of concentrated minority poverty. In contrast, little sociological research has focused on federal housing policies and programs as important factors shaping racial patterns of poverty and residential segregation in U.S. metropolitan areas. Drawing upon census data, public documents, housing reports, and interviews with local residents, I examine how federal and local housing initiatives in the 1980s and 1990s have interacted with the shift to a service-oriented economy to reinforce racial residential segregation and exacerbate urban poverty in Kansas City. I find that persistent racial residential segregation, including minority poverty concentration and the spatial isolation of inner-city neighborhoods, is due to post-1970 changes in the operation of the metropolitan housing market and retrenchment in federal and local housing policy. Rather than viewing racial discrimination and macroeconomic change as disconnected and separate "variables," I focus on the interconnectedness and mutually reinforcing character of both factors. Such an emphasis moves beyond separate-variables approaches and analyses to identify how concentrated minority poverty is sustained not only by racial discrimination and large-scale macroeconomic and demographic changes, but also by the market-centered orientation of federal housing programs and policies.     

Sociologists’ assessments of the state of sociology, 1969–1984

Articles in both the popular press and sociology journals have argued that between the mid-1970s and mid-1980s sociologists became more pessimistic about the intellectual vitality of their field. Data from the 1969, 1975, and 1984 Carnegie surveys of faculty at U.S. universities suggest that sociologists’ assessments of their field changed little over this period. In several respects the “sociology in the doldrums” thesis of the 1980s resembles the 1970s “blue collar blues” thesis; in both cases sociologists gave structural explanations for apparently nonexistent trends.     

THE RISING COST OF TIME OF FEMALES, THE GROWTH OF NATIONAL BRANDS AND THE SUPPLY OF RETAIL SERVICES

A rise in the relative cost of time of women has increased the demand for brand names and reduced the demand for information traditionally supplied by retailers. A theory of the optimal allocation of shopping responsibilities in a two-earner household shows that a rise in the woman's wage increases the demand for brand names by more than an increase in the man's wage. An increase in the relative earnings of women is related to a rise in male shopping, the growth of trademark filings, an increase in manufacturer advertising, and a reduction in retail personal services in several industries.     

The effects of prevailing wage laws: A comparison of individual workers’ wages earned on and off prevailing wage construction projects

I evaluate the effects of prevailing wage laws using a unique data set that shows the wages paid to workers on prevailing wage projects and the wages paid to the same workers during the same time period for work on projects not covered by prevailing wage regulations. The wage comparison shows that workers are generally paid more for work on prevailing wage projects than they are for work on nonprevailing wage projects. Thus, prevailing wage laws likely do increase the cost of public construction. In addition, to the extent that the quality of construction is improved, prevailing wage laws appear to be an inefficient mechanism by which to achieve additional quality, as the regulations often result in workers being paid more than they earn in the private market. This research was done originally for the Program Review and Investigations Committee of the Kentucky State Legislature. I thank the staff of the Program Review and Investigations Committee and the Legisla-tive Research Commission for assistance with data collection and Mark Berger for helpful comments. Due to confidentiality requirements, the data cannot be made available.