Analyzing Politics and Change in Women's Organizations

Research on women's political action too often passes over women's organizations that do not officially adopt a feminist ideology and do not explicitly set out to change gender power relations. Based on implicit notions that such women's organizations are nonpolitical (or less interesting), the research often supports a false dichotomy between feminist and nonfeminist organizations rather than illuminates women's common political ground. This study addresses women's collective action, politics and change by focusing on the case of Nicaraguan Mothers of Heroes and Martyrs - women who lost a son or daughter in the revolution or Contra War. Although some members in Matagalpa critiqued male domination, the organization itself did not set out to challenge the gendered division of labor; indeed, their collective demands relied upon and in many ways reinforced traditional gender identities. I argue that such movements are important to feminist political analysis. As I demonstrate in this article, an organization's lack of an official feminist ideology does not mean that individual members do not express interests, identities and ideals that challenge the gendered status quo. Such research, however, requires a nuanced approach, recognizing women as both accommodating and resisting gendered social structures. Thus, this study challenges the dominant feminist-feminine dichotomy by demonstrating that women's collective action is not only per se political (and politically important) but may also challenge as well as reinforce gendered power structures.     

Organizational theory in political sociology

Organizational theory and research has been enormously generative for political sociologists, if not always as fully centered as it might be, relative to broader notions of political power, economic resources, culture, and their interplay. This review both calls attention to the ways that organizational theory continues to inform political sociology and sets an agenda for how this interchange can be productively extended in various ways in scholarship on states, political parties, advocacy organizations, and business influences in politics. I highlight the genealogy of the new institutionalism and its variants (World Polity and institutional logics), population ecology (and the growing interest in both categories and audiences, alongside studies of the “ecology of ideology”), and research that follows in the broad tradition of resource dependence theory (and the link to more management-oriented approaches such as “non-market strategy” and stakeholder theories of organizational political activities). I also emphasize how novel theories of social movements and fields have offered innovative insights that incorporate organizational and political processes. I conclude by elaborating an agenda for how political sociologists can go further in maintaining and extending their highly productive and rewarding engagements with organizational theory.     

Explaining differences in the political meaning of unemployment across time and space

This article is a first attempt at theorizing the differences in the political meaning of unemployment and how governments create these differences. It first reviews existing explanations about why unemployment is an especially pressing political threat to those in power. In lieu of a an existing literature on the sources of variation in this threat, the next section puts forward four alternative explanations based on related arguments about politics and the economy. These are the approaches of power resources, protest mobilization, deprivation, and ideology. Guided by the promises and pitfalls of these respective theories, the subsequent section argues for an alternative institutional-constructivist approach. Starting with the historical observation that the category of unemployment was invented alongside particular social institutions and employment practices, this approach seeks to explain how variation in these institutionalized practices is responsible for differences in the political salience of unemployment. The section that follows discusses how government policies can reconstruct the meaning of unemployment by reconfiguring the available set of institutional choices in the labor market and by designating what kinds of choices constitute involuntary joblessness. It is argued that “unemployment” is defined against institutionalized norms of what kinds of work constitute “employment.” Changes in the boundaries of the concept of unemployment come about through changes in the ways that governments hold certain kinds of work as exemplary while granting other forms of work lesser recognition. The final section considers how this reciprocal relationship between the construction of unemployment and employment both imposes political constraints for governments and creates opportunities. Governments face numerous conflicting incentives whether to expand or restrict the institutionalized definition of unemployment. While they must retain semblance with inherited conceptions of unemployment; they can redefine the problem of unemployment through the institutionalization of new solutions.     

The Impact of the Return of Religion on Theoretical Approaches to Democracy and Governance in the Social and Political Sciences

The survey article analyses the impact of the return of religion on theoretical approaches to democracy and governance in the social and political sciences and spells out the normative and practical implications of a post-secular research programme on politics and religion. Reviewing the recent theoretical literature in the field, the author argues that there is a post-secular revision underway in the social and political sciences. This revision leads to a re-conceptualization of key assumptions about religion in sociology and political sciences: on the grounds of a historical and sociological criticism of the secularization thesis, secularity as condition and secularism as ideology acquire analytical significance. In a second step and drawing chiefly on works of Habermas, Rawls, Bader and Shachar, the author proposes that as a consequence of this re-conceptualization, the relationship between politics and religion in democratic theory is best interpreted in terms of a post-secular, deliberative public sphere in which religion has its place and that an appropriate research programme on religion and politics might consist in a normatively informed comparative governance approach to religion.     

Elite Analysis in Applied Research on Women in Communist Society

The problems associated with the use of elite analysis for women in Communist Party states are discussed under two categories: (1) problems connected with elite analysis in general as it pertains to women, such as the relevancy of current definitions of politics and the identification of women elites; and (2) problems associated with doing research in Communist countries. These include the difficulties inherent in information gathering, the reliability and comparability of data, the sophistication of research methods, and, based on the author's interview experience, the relative unity of the interview in countries with a dominant prevailing ideology. Continued research on women elites in the Communist Party states is urged for the development of more precise comparative categories on the ways women access and manage power, and for a more thorough cross-cultural understanding of the relation between the socialization of women at home and the impact of public support for women seeking power.     

Gestaltungsspielräume und Zwänge der politischen Rolle

The lecture presented here in slightly modified form was held in June 1999 at the 9^th ?Constraint and Spontaneity“ conference sponsored by the group dynamics section of the DAGG. Ingrid Stahmer, who was born in 1942, has been serving in the Berlin government as Senator for Schools, Youth and Sport since 1996. Her political career goes back nearly twenty years beyond that, during which time she sat on the Berlin-Charlottenburg borough council and served as Senator for health and social affairs. The document covers her life in public office, which she vividly reflects upon and analyses using numerous examples from her personal experience. She observes how the possibilities for influencing and shaping policy develop and change along with the levels of political activity as responsibilities increase and administrative and organisational challenges become more complex. One thesis that can be deduced from this is: ?A gain in power (in the political sense) has a reciprocal impact on the range of influence and because accompanied by additional constraints reduces one’s capacity to act effectively.“ The speech contains an analysis of the constraints that work within an administrative body on different levels. The politician’s relationship to her ?roots“, the political party, is analysed as well as the interdependence between politics and the omnipresent power of media. The experience with political consultancy by professional, external and internal counselling runs through the text as well as through the politicans’s life. Also in that sense it is true that the influence on the ?soft“ factors of the organizational development diminishes with the rise in the political hierarchy.     

DOMESTIC CONTENT LEGISLATION: HOUSE VOTING AND THE ECONOMIC THEORY OF REGULATION

House voting on domestic content legislation provides a rare opportunity to examine the political economy of protectionism with respect to a particular issue rather than by using the traditional interindustry approach. The results indicate that a representative's vote in favor of the content legislation and the intensity of the legislator's preferences are positively related to the importance of the auto and steel industries in the representative's district, an increasing unemployment rate, campaign contributions from labor groups, affiliation with Democratic Party, and a liberal ideology. Despite ideology's statistical significance, the results suggest this variable can be disregarded because neither the predictive accuracy nor the explanatory power of the model is improved by its inclusion. The estimates also provide insights concerning the impact of changes in the independent variables upon voting patterns.     

A utility-production model of union behavior

This paper expands the scope of the economic analysis of unions by presenting a model that is unusually general with regard to both union leadership objectives and the constraints placed on their behavior and by applying this model to a wide-ranging set of political and economic issues regarding unions. The model assumes that union leadership maximizes an objective function containing both political and economic goals and is constrained by the membership and the firm, as well as by a set of technological constraints. The latter constraints are based on the assumption that union power can be modeled as a partially exogenous production process. After defining the Lagrangian and first-order conditions, the model is compared to previous models of leadership objectives and applied to the analysis of union wage concessions and internal union democracy. The comments of Sinan Koont, Donald R. Williams, Jean-Jacques Rosa, Scott Dennis, and anonymous referees on earlier drafts are greatly appreciated. Remaining errors, of course, are my own.     

Youth politics as multiple processes: how teenagers construct political action in Sweden

Alternative approaches to power in youth politics are needed to overcome the conceptual dichotomy between youth political action that is either linked to – or delinked from – state institutions. This paper offers an alternative drawn from a study that sought to empirically explore, and build theory upon, how teenagers construct their political action. Our qualitative study among 10 activists aged between 17 and 19 in a medium-size city in Northern Sweden found that youth constructed their political action as four different processes: moving from consciousness to action, moving from personal experience to shared goals, moving from social activities to political activities, and moving from single to multiple arenas. We integrated these processes in the concept Youth Politics as Multiple Processes. Youth efforts to bring about these processes were not always fruitful because, as their political action gained complexity, youth faced greater constraints for recognizing, addressing and challenging power from age-based exclusion, state-centered definitions of politics, and adult disinterest in youth demands. According to our findings, youth constructed political action based in an approach to power that was not state-centered. We linked our findings to youth politics research and social movement theory that similarly proposed alternative approaches to power.     

POLITICAL IDEOLOGY AND ECONOMIC GROWTH: EVIDENCE FROM THE FRENCH DEMOCRACY

We provide a test of the impact of voters' political ideology on economic growth and of the role of preferences for government size as a transmission channel. We focus on France from the beginning of its stable democratic experience in 1871. A move of voters' ideology to the right increases economic growth over the total observation period. However, the growth effect of ideology is mediated by voters' preferences for government size only during the post‐World War II period. For reverse causality concerns, we use the political ideology of other historical democracies as an instrument variable for France's ideology. (JEL E6, O43, H11)     

Institutionalizing dissent: The United States structure of political opportunity and the end of the nuclear freeze movement

This article uses the recent nuclear freeze movement as a vehicle for analyzing the ways in which United States political institutions cope with dissident movements. Building on the literature on political opportunity structure, I argue that United States political institutions reflect James Madison's strategy for coping with dissent by fragmenting political power. The Madisonian structure of United States government, by providing relatively easy institutional access to some challengers and numerous venues for often ritualized participation, serves to fragment, coopt, and dissipate dissident movements. I identify three complementary components of the process of fragmentation and dissipation: marginalization, depoliticization, and institutionalization. I then examine the political implications of institutionalization in the case of the nuclear freeze movement with a discussion of the movement's influence on policy. I conclude with a call for more comparative research on the process and political impact of institutionalizing social protest movements.     

Environmental Politics: the Structuring of Partisan and Ideological Cleavages in Mass Environmental Attitudes*

This paper explores the impacts of political party identification and political ideology on two dimensions of mass environmental beliefs—awareness of environmental problems and support for environmental reform. We argue that while the environmental movement's mobilization of public awareness of environmental problems was essentially non-partisan, more recent movement efforts to achieve environmental reforms have taken a discernible “reform liberal” stance of advocating state regulation of the private sector. Neither political party identification nor political ideology has a substantial effect on awareness of environmental problems. Anti-laissez-faire political liberalism proves to be highly correlated with support for environmental reform, particularly among the middle class. Despite the major impact of political liberalism on support for environmental reform, there are no partisan differences in such support. We discuss the theoretical and practical implications of the notion that political-ideological differences in support for environmental reform exist despite political parties.     

消费主义视阈下“90后”大学生的国家认同与政治认同

消费主义作为一种"去意识形态"的意识形态,通过形而下的生活方式和消费内容,不同程度地影响和削弱当代大学生的国家、民族认同与政治认同,降低民族凝聚力、向心力、整合力,并进而影响到国家统一、民族团结和政治安定。因此,必须从意识形态安全、国家软实力等方面考虑,重视消费主义对大学生的国家认同、民族认同和政治认同方面的影响,从学校教育、家庭教育、社会教育和自我教育四个方面完善和提高大学生的国家认同、民族认同与政治认同,抵御消费主义文化的消极影响。     

How Academic Research Shapes Labor and Social Policy

How academic research affects labor and social policy is viewed through a program evaluation framework that highlights the difficulties of determining the causal impact of such research on public policy. The effect is illustrated by examples. My conclusion is that academic research can have a modest to substantial impact on policy. Its impact is enhanced if it has a number of key characteristics: high quality; reputable researchers involved; synthesized and translated into a language understood by policy makers, the general public, and the media; credible champions who will broker and defend it, in the political process or in the public realm; timeliness; and, political acceptability.     

The Who of Power?

How is the causative role of ideas appreciated in understanding the political economy of neoliberalism? What are the origin stories of neoliberalism and how are these related to the periodisation of capitalism? Is there a role for an explicit normative perspective in critiquing neoliberalism as a set of class relations? These broad questions are raised in this feature review, which looks at the latest work on the durability of embedded neoliberalism. It does so by highlighting the importance of revealing and critiquing ideas-centred assumptions within political economy in order to offer an alternative stance on the class relations, institutions, and ideology of present-day capitalism. As a consequence, reflecting further on the who of power remains an enduring challenge for political economy.     

Shamans’ Pragmatic Gendered Negotiations with Mapuche Resistance Movements and Chilean Political Authorities

In this article, I look at the ways in which gendered national discourses and the discourses of Mapuche resistance movements coerce and construct shamans (machi) and the ways in which machi appropriate, transform, and contest these images. I explore the contradictions between machi’s hybrid practices and their traditional representations of self and why they choose to represent themselves as they do. My interest lies in the ways in which studying gendered representations by and about machi, especially machi’s nonideological political practices, can contribute to current discussions of power and resistance, agency and structure, and the practice of power itself. Recent anthropological work has focused on the particular historical, social, political, and economic contexts shaping how and why indigenous groups decide to protect and promote particular images of themselves. I focus not on the community politics in which machi are involved, but on machi’s public faces in relation to national political figures and Mapuche political leaders such as longko.     

It's the Message,Not the Messenger: The Declining Significance of Black–White Contact in a “Colorblind” Society*

We argue that due to the modern‐day prevalence of colorblind racism, the impact of interracial contact on whites’ racial consciousness is limited. By comparing two qualitative data sets of white antiracists and whites who have a close black friend, we find there are a good number of whites for whom relationships with people of color are not the prime impetus for becoming antiracist. Whites often bracket out their black friends from their limited understandings of racism, and white antiracists often adopt progressive ideologies from other whites. Even when interracial contact is part of white antiracists’ experiences, it often is but one small step in a process of sensitization to an antiracist counterideology. The bearers of this antiracist ideology (the “message”) may or may not be persons of color (the assumed “messengers”) so we explore a variety of ways that this “message” takes hold (or not) among whites. While not discounting contact theory altogether, we make plain that colorblindness is a major factor limiting its explanatory power. We conclude by discussing the methodological and theoretical implications of our findings for sociological race relations research.     

Factors in the Post-Stalin Emergence of Soviet Sociology*

This paper attempts to analyze the social, economic, and political sources for the emergence of modern Soviet sociology in the 1950s. While it does not address extensively the characteristics of current Soviet sociology, it is suggested that those characteristics of a methodologically sophisticated and economically oriented sociology are largely the result of a compact between Soviet leaders and sociologists which allowed and required its post-Stalin emergence. Four sets of factors are evaluated in terms of their effect on the emergence of Soviet sociology. These are 1) the Marxist-Leninist vision (that is, the Utopian elements of ideology), 2) the Soviet ideology (that is, the elements of ideology oriented toward system maintenance), 3) the diffusion of ideas, and 4) the mandate of Soviet economic development. A brief evaluation of these sets of factors as they affect the emergence of Chinese sociology in the early 1980s is also provided. It is concluded that the future shape of sociology in the USSR and China is dependent upon the evolution of ideology in the two countries, an evolution that is intimately tied to the succession of political leadership.     

Labour pains: Some considerations on the difficulties of researching juvenile prostitution

This paper reflects on an empirical, retrospective study of juvenile prostitution. It aims to explore the ways in which the practical constraints, practical difficulties and ethical considerations that are inevitably encountered in a 'sensitive' area of research, such as young people who are exploited through prostitution, are intrinsically linked to choice of methods and the process of the research. It argues that in such research pragmatism in choice of methods is necessary to achieve the epistemological aims, of allowing the voices of disadvantaged young people who are exploited through their involvement in prostitution to be heard, while maintaining ethical integrity. In addition the paper reflects on the emotional impact of research such as this on researchers and suggests ways in which research design and the collaborative efforts of research teams may minimise potentially negative impacts on researchers. The author suggests that by anticipating problems posed by research into young people who are sexually exploited through prostitution, ethical and practical difficulties might be negotiated to enable research in this field to be taken forward in the future.