Sexual Politics in the Workplace: The Interactional World of Policewomen

This paper examines the dynamics of male-female interaction in one work setting—the backstage region of a police department—and explores the variety of ways that policewomen are pressured to “stay in their place” by male coworkers. Policewomen face interpersonal dilemmas because as police officers they are expected to behave like colleagues (i.e. as status equals); as women they are expected to behave as status subordinates. This paper investigates a number of the techniques by which female officers' gender is made salient and male officers assert dominance over female officers. The verbal techniques employed include the use of euphemisms, affectionate terms of address, cursing, joking and putdowns, and gossip. Non-verbal messages are transmitted by the use of personal space, touch, and chivalrous ceremonies. In addition the problems posed by sexuality and sexual harassment in the workplace are discussed. Data are based on nine months of participant observation and 55 interviews with officers in one police district in Washington, D.C.     

Middle Class Identity in the Modern World: How Politics and Economics Matter

It is widely accepted that people tend to identify with the middle classes regardless of their social class position. Nevertheless, this “middle class identity bias” is not equally prominent in all western democracies. The goal of this article is to assess the role of political and economic conditions in shaping this phenomenon. By exploring the relationship between class identity and national context in 15 modern societies, I address two main questions: (1) how individual‐level income affects where people place themselves in the class system, and (2) how national political and economic context affects this relationship. In doing so, I offer several important findings. First, although there is a positive relationship between income and class identification in all 15 societies, middle class identification is weakest when income inequality is high. Consistent with previous findings, the results suggest that economic development has a positive impact on class identity. The results also uncover a role for political ideology by suggesting a lingering affect of Communist rule. Even after controlling for economic development and income inequality, respondents in former Communist countries are more likely than others to identify as belonging to a low social class.     

Working Class Politics: An Interpretation of the Quebec Case*

L'echec repete des partis politiques de gauche au Quebec est generalement attri-bue au conservatisme et au nationalisme de la classe ouvriere canadienne-fran-caise. Cependant, quand on considere l'appui disproportions des ouvriers pour l'Union Nationale, il appert que cet appui ne peut s'expliquer par de telles attitudes. Nous suggerons plutot que la montee de l'Union Nationale durant les an-nees de 1935 a 1936 represente surtout la montee d'un mouvement politique de protestation economique, et que les ouvriers s'attacherent peu a evaluer son ideologic propre. De facon plus generate, nous pretendons que les valeurs et les inte-rets des elites sont plus importantes que ceux des classes inferieures pour ex-pliquer 1'orientation conservatrice et nationaliste de la politique au Quebec et l'echec des partis de gauche. The failure of leftist parties in Quebec is usually interpreted as a result of the conservatism and ethnic consciousness of the French Canadian working class. However, when the disproportionate support of the workers for the conservative Union Nationale party is considered, one finds that it cannot be explained by these and related attitudes. As an alternative interpretation, it is suggested that the Union Nationale rose during the 1930s as an economic protest movement and that the workers turned to it independently of its philosophy. More generally, we argue that the values and interests of the elites are more important than those of the lower classes to explain the conservative and nationalist character of Quebec politics and the failure of leftist parties.     

The UNHCR and World Politics: State Interests vs. Institutional Autonomy

This article situates the office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) within the context of world politics. States remain the predominant actors in the international political system. But this does not mean that international organizations like the UNHCR are completely without power or influence. Tracing the evolution of the agency over the past half century, this article argues that while the UNHCR has been constrained by states, the notion that it is a passive mechanism with no independent agenda of its own is not borne out by the empirical evidence of the past 50 years. Rather UNHCR policy and practice have been driven both by state interests and by the office acting independently or evolving in ways not expected nor necessarily sanctioned by states.     

After ANT: Complexity, Naming and Topology

What is a theory? Or, more broadly, what is a good way of addressing intellectual problems? This paper explores the tension central to the notion of an 'actor'—'network' which is an intentionally oxymoronic term that combines—and elides the distinction between—structure and agency. It then notes that this tension has been lost as 'actor-network' has been converted into a smooth and consistent 'theory' that has been (too) simply and easily displaced, criticised or applied. It recalls another term important to the actor-network approach—that of translation —which is another term in tension, since (the play of words works best in the romance languages) to translate is to also betray ( traductore, traditore ). It is suggested that in social theory simplicity should not displace the complexities of tension. The chapter concludes by exploring a series of metaphors for grappling with tensions rather than wishing these away, and in particular considers the importance of topological complexity, and the notion of fractionality.     

Politics and the Mass Media:

Studies of the impact of mass media on political attitudes and behavior have generally concluded that the mass media do little more than reinforce prior preferences. These studies have painted a simplistic picture of how the mass media influences the electorate. Using the 1990 Australian National Election as a test case, results show that while the mass media have a significant impact on political attitudes and voting behavior, especially among respondents who viewed the political debates, this effect is specifically restricted to males. Thus, the mass media do have a direct effect on political outcomes, and this process appears to be an exclusively male phenomenon. Several explanations are discussed to account for this finding.     

The Parable of Matthew: Identity Politics, Politics of Desire, and the Politics of Performance

Matthew Shepard's murder in October 1998 provides an opportunity to examine and reconsider identity politics as they play out around Matthew's body. After a sustained critique of identity politics, the author proposes, in their stead, a politics of performance, which offers a constructive alternative to current political agendas by allowing the simultaneous preservation and erasure of difference.     

Current Research on Women and Politics:

No abstract available for this article.     

Identity without Politics: Framing the Parity Laws and Their Implementation in French Local Politics

This article provides an alternative approach to the argumentsof "critical mass," whose tenets assume that policies fosteringwomen’s rights would arise from an increase in women’spolitical representation. Instead, the article argues that thecultural repertoires that are used to justify women’shigher numerical presence also matter. Indeed, different repertoires—suchas claiming women’s inclusion into politics in the nameof women’s interests or in the name of their difference—havedifferent political outcomes. This case study of the Frenchsex-parity laws, which ensures a 50-percent quota of women inpolitics, explores the connection between the rationales tolegitimize the laws and their implementation at the local level.This provides for, first, an investigation of how the requirementto make the parity claim compatible with French cultural repertoireson citizenship and sovereignty has led parity advocates to definesexual difference as universal. Then, drawing on interviewswith local politicians, it shows how this rationale underliningsexual difference has failed to define gender relationshipsas political and, thus, to promote gender equality in localpublic policies.     

Dovzhenko Studio in the 1960s: Between the Politics of the Auteur and the Politics of Nationality

Abstract

This article examines the aesthetics and politics of filmmaking in Soviet Ukraine in the 1960s as a lens through which to view the mechanisms of defining and representing national difference in Thaw-era Soviet culture. Management at Dovzhenko Studio in Kyiv during this time gave a green light to young filmmakers to explore a modernist and ethnographic poetic by reasoning that such a style was rooted in the traditions of Ukrainian national cinema, the founder of which was the studio’s namesake, Oleksandr Dovzhenko. While always controversial, director-auteurs such as Sergei Paradzhanov, Iurii Illienko, and Leonid Osyka consistently justified their works of “poetic cinema” on the basis of fulfilling the studio’s explicit goal to represent Ukraine through “traditional” means. Kyiv filmmakers, however, found their freedom curtailed not solely by central authorities concerned with ideological problems, but also by a film industry increasingly concerned with its ability to make a profit. Today in Ukraine, the legacy of so-called poetic cinema is fraught with accusations of elitism as the purveyors of cultural memory try to uncover a more popular history of Ukrainian cinema.     

Working on the front-line: risk culture and nursing in the new NHS

Nursing and midwifery are increasingly marked by risk and uncertainty under the dual impact of patient consumerism and organisational accountability. The omnipresent character of risk in health work means that it is particularly difficult to manage. Since the practice decisions of today may only be known as problems in the future, risk can never really be forestalled. This means that it is very difficult to close-off risk, but nonetheless imperative to try. Drawing on research conducted in two hospital trusts, this paper explores the strategies that nurses and midwives use in an attempt to colonise the future and protect themselves in the risk culture of the new NHS. It will suggest that although the self-protective strategies that emerge may enhance quality of patient care, they can also generate defensive practices which are in the interests of neither nurses and midwives nor patients.     

Women and Politics in Comparative Perspective:

No abstract available for this article.     

Politics and Religion in India: Minorities

This paper is addressing the minority issue in India. In the introduction we give a definition of minority, which is not asserted by a numerical criteria, but rather by the share of power and freedoms. We proceed giving an overlook of the largely diverse Indian state, which for its pluralistic composition has to face socioeconomic and religious challenges. Some legal guarantees are provided by the Constitution, although they are not fully respected in practice. Rejecting Indian secularism??s criticisms. Then we analyze the model of Indian secularism, consisting in the separation between State and religious, though taking into account the delicate balance of multiple social interests. The positivistic view of Bhargava suggests us that the Indian conception is better equipped at political and moral level to deal with deep religious diversity. The conclusion suggests that Indian democracy has a great potential, even with its cracks and odds still to be solved, and at least in absolute terms has much to teach to other proclaimed secular countries in the Western world.