Defining organized sexual abuse

The label ‘organized abuse’ is widely used but without an agreed meaning. An agreed definition would improve communication among practitioners and make it easier to compare the results of different pieces of research. Items classified together must possess at least one feature in common: in the case of organized abuse this is that they all involve more than one perpetrator. Some types of case for which the label ‘organized’ has been used, like those that concern children's sexual abuse in an institution or that include allegations of a ritual context, do not fulfil even this initial criterion. Some cases of institutional or ritual abuse may also be cases of organized abuse but the terms are not synonymous with each other. Domestic cases, where all the perpetrators and the victims are members of a single household, are also sufficiently unlike the paradigmatic case of organized abuse for them to be excluded from the category. The recognition that exclusion is as necessary to rigorous definition as inclusion requires making explicit what definitions are and what they are for.     

Occupational downgrading and wages of New Member States immigrants to Ireland

This paper explores the importance of occupational downgrading in explaining the pay gap of New Member States (NMS) immigrants to Ireland by taking advantage of two data sources, the Census and the Survey on Income and Living Conditions (SILC). The study identifies biases in the coverage of NMS immigrants in SILC that dampen their estimated earnings disadvantage. Corrections to population weights are suggested. These adjustments have a significant impact on results, increasing both the size of the wage penalty of NMS immigrants and the extent to which the pay gap can be explained by occupational downgrading. A replication of published results for the UK reveals similar patterns of penalties for NMS workers in both countries. Factors that may explain the concentration of NMS workers in low‐skill/low‐wage occupations are discussed.     

Reasoning With Case Studies: Issues Of An Aging Workforce

Case studies are an ideal research approach to generate in-depth and contextualized data. Many specific data collection approaches can be incorporated to gather data through a case study, but the information so gathered is interpreted in terms of a single case. When a set of case studies is conducted on a particular research theme, the question arises as to what kinds of inferences can be made with a small number of cases. Problems of inference are increased when the cases have been selected opportunistically or haphazardly and when the universe of all potential cases cannot readily be defined. Charles Ragin has distinguished between the logic of multivariate analysis and the logic of comparative case analysis. Drawing on this distinction, this article will describe the ways in which inferences can be drawn, and the nature of such inferences, from a multiple case study approach. Reasoning from multiple case studies is an inductive process that uses comparisons to generate hypotheses and to provide limited tests through the principle of falsification. This approach was used in developing a synthesizing report based on seven large case studies from the project, “Issues of an Aging Workforce.” Five Canadian and two American case studies were conducted in corporate settings in different economic sectors. The case studies used qualitative methods (focus groups and key informant interviews) and survey data from employees and managers. Thus, the logic of multivariate analysis was used, along with inductive reasoning with qualitative data, within cases, and a logic of comparative case analysis when seeking to make and test generalizations based on the set of seven cases.     

Child Welfare Interviews at School: A Review of Statues and Policies

Child welfare investigators have come to expect access to interview children at school as a means to ensure their own safety. Court cases have questioned if interviews at school without a warrant, court order, exigent circumstances, or parental consent violates the Fourth and Fourteenth Amendment rights of child and parents. This review paper uses the 2011 Supreme Court case, Camreta v. Greene, to set the stage for the need to conduct a review of relevant statutes and policies from all 50 states that regulate interviews at schools. Guidelines with variation in the amount of detail offered by each state leaves a need for further examination of what are best practice standards for child welfare investigators who interview children at school.     

Approaching Reason's Edge: "Nonsense" as the Final Solution to the Problem of Meaning

It has been noted that in order to make sense of the world, members must rely upon their assumption that Reality is noncontradictory in nature. This paper examines cases where members are confronted with what to them are irreconcilable contradictions. It is shown that through the use of concepts such as "nonsense," members allow irreconcilable contradictions to count as evidence of a noncontradictory Reality.     

Public attitudes toward the identification and reporting of alleged maltreatment cases among social groups in Israel

Objectives

To identify what types of behaviors are defined as child maltreatment by the Israeli public, and which types of incidences are seen as justifying reporting to the authorities. The study examines to what extent these views are different among social groups in the Israeli society (e.g., Arabs and ultra-Orthodox).

Methods

A telephone survey was conducted among a representative sample of 812 adults in Israel, with an oversampling of additional 50 ultra-Orthodox Jews. A series of 12 scenarios was presented to respondents who indicated whether each of them was a case of maltreatment and whether it justified reporting to authorities.

Results

There was strong consensus among the participants that some scenarios indicate maltreatment. These scenarios related to all types of maltreatment and were associated with potentially severe harm. The tendency to justify reporting is weaker than the tendency to see them as cases of maltreatment. Further, there is a correspondence (although not a perfect one) between to what extent scenarios are judged as more indicative of maltreatment and the extent to which they are seen as justifying reporting. Both Arabs and ultra-Orthodox Jews tend to see more maltreatment than Jews in general and non ultra-Orthodox Jews in particular, except for using corporal punishment to “educate” an insolent child. No consistent differences were found between these groups in their justification for reporting.

Conclusions

There are indications that the underlying dimension which determines the identification of cases as maltreatment and justifies reporting is the severity of the potential harm to child, rather than the type of maltreatment (i.e., physical, sexual, neglect or emotional). The authors suggest that public campaigns should be tailored to address the different attitudes and perspectives of different social-cultural groups.     

The Social Costs of Gambling: An Economic Perspective

Much of the opposition to legalized gambling is based on analyses of the social costs that occur as a result of pathological gambling. It is our contention that many, if not most, authors who have contributed to this literature are either unclear or misguided in what they define as social costs. Instead of starting with a clear definition of what constitutes a social cost, these authors have adopted an ad hoc approach-using "common sense" to determine what constitutes losses to society and then attempting to quantify the impact of those activities. We believe this is not, as some suggest, simply a matter of semantics. Rather, it is a serious problem in the gambling literature. How do we differentiate between a consequence of pathological gambling that is a "social cost" and one that is not? Which of the consequences of addictive behaviors that are associated with gambling arise when gambling is legal, and which will be manifest in some form whether or not gambling is legal? In this article we explain the economic perspective on social costs. An understanding of this paradigm removes the subjectivity in the classification of pathological gambling's social costs. The paper has three major components. First, we introduce the economic notion of social costs. Using this paradigm, we differentiate between the "true" social costs related to pathological gambling, and other negative consequences that cannot legitimately be classified as social costs. Second, we evaluate a recent social cost study using the economics social cost paradigm. Third, we discuss two types of social costs that have been largely overlooked in the gambling literature. One is caused by gambling prohibition. The other occurs as a result of "rent seeking" that is related to the political process surrounding the legalization of gambling.     

Ideology, culture, and ambiguity: The revolutionary process in Iran

Conclusion To varying degrees, polysemous appeals are a feature of nearly all political coalitions and negotiations. But they are especially important in revolutions in which mass protests accompany a sudden collapse and elimination of the old regime state. In such a situation, it is not the case that a few coalition planks are ambiguous in an otherwise institution-alized political structure; instead, even the main outlines of how politics will operate in a new regime is undetermined. Given the chaos and uncertainty, revolutionary unity necessarily focusses upon rejection of the regime itself, and revolutionaries appeal to widely familiar cultural images (as in the appeal to Islam) whose durability within the society has depended on a degree of flexibility in interpretation and application. There is neither time nor reason for the opposition coalition to settle upon a detailed post-revolutionary program.Ambiguous (i.e., polysemous) ideology is an essential component of revolutionary unity and sets the stage for the struggle over the meaning of the revolution, after the fall of the old regime. Different factions struggle over the particular meaning of the images and concepts that had united the revolutionary coalition as a whole. However, this ambiguity makes quite probable an outcome in which revolutions eat their children; the initial revolutionary unity cannot possibly survive, as the construction of a new revolutionary state will necessarily reject some interpretations of the meaning of ambiguous revolutionary ideology.Particularly astute revolutionary leaders - Khomeini or Lenin, for instance - can take advantage of such a situation to create a new revolutionary state in their own image, before many of their potential adversaries fully understand what is happening or how most effectively to resist. In such a case, there often is no obvious, specific program that could truly represent the coalition as a whole, or even a majority of it. The faction that defines the ideology of the revolution by taking control of revolutionary state formation and suppressing alternatives may forever remain a minority. To take one illustration, while both the Bolsheviks and the Islamic Republican Party redefined political discourse, in both cases voting patterns suggested their minority status even after the seizure of power. The Bolsheviks, outpolled by the Socialist Revolutionaries, remained a minority in the voting for the Constituent Assembly after the October Revolution, and thus disbanded the assembly. As the Islamic Republic was institutionalized as a theocracy, voting participation steadily declined. There remains broad opposition to the clerical regime among many initial supporters of the revolution.Nevertheless, while revolutions are situations in which ambiguity is likely to be especially significant, there are different kinds of revolutions; ambiguity will matter more or less depending on exactly how the revolutionary crisis emerges and plays itself out. (Thus the following discussion is partly a response to Skocpol's call for a closer examination of the different revolutionary circumstances that allow ideology to have different kinds of effects.)In some revolutions (though the exception more than the rule) unifying revolutionary ideology will be more specific than the connotative images and concepts that unified the Iranian opposition to the Shah. This is especially likely when there is a revolutionary group poised to implement a program (after the fall of the old regime) because it has a history as an organized, clearly dominant opposition, with an identifiable program and a mass following. This fact may explain why Poland, benefitting from the earlier establishment of Solidarity, at least initially seemed more directed than some of its neighbors in establishing a new political and social order after the collapse of communist states in 1988–1989.Solidarity, then, is an example of the fact that the more time there is for the identity and intentions of a revolutionary group to become known, the less likely that such a group can hide behind an ambiguous program. Protracted civil war is another context that will generally clarify the ideologies of the adversaries, though those adversaries may have initially been united by an ambiguous ideology. And the context of civil war will place great pressure on all organized political groups to choose one side or another.However, sudden revolutionary crises may involve some political floundering for some time, in cases where there is not a long-standing, organized opposition and there do not emerge leaders with a coherent revolutionary vision and the strategic skill to take advantage of the ambiguous ideology and uncertain outcome of revolutionary situations. In the absence of leaders willing or able to negotiate through such unknown terrain, to construct a new state on the basis of a new program - without turning allies into adversaries too quickly - the ultimate meaning of the revolution may be contested for some time. In the case of Madero's anti-reelection revolution in Mexico, for example, mass mobilization and sudden victory over the Diaz regime was followed by the absence of any coherent program, and a subsequent slide into chaos and civil war. A different version of this scenario may be developing in much of Eastern Europe today. Clearly the nations of Eastern Europe experienced sudden state collapse precipitated by mass mobilization. Participants experienced the ectasy and unity of opposition to, and sudden success against, the old regime. But it quickly became unclear what was to be done next. In some cases, there was an apparent commitment to a free-market ideology, but there was little commitment to the details and difficulties that a free-market program would actually entail. While free-market advocates initially appeared dynamic and exciting, their ultimate success may prove superficial. In other cases, as in the former Czechoslovakia, there seemed to be less a post-revolutionary program than an uncertain pattern of continued dismantling of the past, with no obvious replacement offered to guide the future.In such cases, where dominant factions do not commit themselves to a coherent program, Goldstone's explanation of the rise of nationalism may be quite relevant. He argues that nationalism becomes the rallying cry, to a large extent, because revolutionary leaders are unable to deliver on initial promises about economic rejuvenation. Nationalism has of course been one of the primary ideological developments in Eastern Europe in the 1990s. Goldstone's schema also helps explain revolutions in which no faction attempts, or is able, to implement a coherent program soon after the fall of the old regime. For example, in cases where the initial crisis weakens but does not eliminate the old regime state, and elites and masses do not both emphasize total elimination of a hated regime, the revolutionary crisis can initiate a protracted process of increasing revolutionary mobilization best explained by Goldstone's approach. Such would be the case in the French Revolution, for example, where none of the main revolutionary players initially advocated what ultimately became the program of the revolution. Still, even in such cases, ambiguous propositions can be a powerful aspect of unifying ideology: Goldstone notes that, in the heady early days of the French Revolution, the will of the people was the one principle that all accepted for the resolution of conflicts.... One could add to Goldstone's observation that this unifying principle was a very ambiguous one.There are additional factors that may be relevant to the role of ambiguity in revolutionary process and ideology, and whose significance is worthy of further inquiry. For example, it seems likely that some significant degree of shared cultural or political identity is necessary for an ambiguous ideology to serve as a point of unity at all. Thus, while ethnic divisions in Iran were certainly significant in the revolution, the main revolutionary proponents thought of themselves fundamentally as Iranians and, usually, as Shiites. However, to unite ideologically all the societies of the former Soviet Union, after the August 1991 failed coup, would have required such extensive ambiguity as to be unworkable. While the images and concepts that unite a diverse revolutionary coalition can be quite general in nature and subject to diverse interpretations, they do have to be shared and strongly felt.The Iranian Revolution demonstrated how significant shared but unspecified revolutionary ideology can be; and Ayatollah Khomeini and the clerical radicals demonstrated what new ideological directions a revolution can take as a result of the perilous and uncertain struggle to define the new regime of meaning that is a crucial aspect of revolutionary states.     

Publishing systematic, pragmatic case studies in program evaluation: rationale and introduction to the special issue

The present Special Issue proposes that the creation of a database of systematic, pragmatically focused case studies in program planning and evaluation will be useful to both theorist and practitioner. This knowledge-base can (a) facilitate cross-case comparisons for inductively deriving generalizations of best practice; (b) allow practitioners to use the experience of past cases to guide their practice in present cases; and (c) further explore the foundational nature of evaluation as a discipline. This introduction first explores why there are so few published evaluation case studies. It then describes the development of a pragmatic paradigm, including a common analytic framework for facilitating the conduct, documentation, and discussion of individual case studies and for organizing them into a database. The introduction concludes with a cross-case summary comparison of the three cases in this first part of the Special Issue. In the next issue of this journal, a second part of the Special Issue will be presented. This will include three additional case studies and an analysis of all six of the case studies in terms of what we have learned about the theoretical and practical values—as well as the challenges—of creating a database of systematic, pragmatic case studies in evaluation.     

Teaching or Preaching? The Holocaust and intercultural education in the UK

This paper looks at the manner in which the Holocaust is taught in the UK and some of the major controversies surrounding the teaching of this topic. These issues include to what extent teaching about the Holocaust is, or should be, a pure lesson in history, or whether there should be a focus on universal moral lessons. I look at various case studies in which students are confronted with moral dilemmas as a path to understanding human behaviour in the past. I also examine to what extent "shock tactics" are useful as an educational tool.     

Monotonicity of ‘ranking by choosing’: A progress report

Procedures designed to select alternatives on the basis of the results of pairwise contests between them have received much attention in literature. The particular case of tournaments has been studied in depth. More recently weak tournaments and valued generalizations thereof have been investigated.The purpose of this paper is to investigate to what extent these choice procedures may be meaningfully used to define ranking procedures via their repeated use, i.e. when the equivalence classes of the ranking are determined by successive applications of the choice procedure. This is what we call ranking by choosing. As could be expected, such ranking procedures raise monotonicity problems. We analyze these problems and show that it is nevertheless possible to isolate a large class of well-behaved choice procedures for which failures of monotonicity are not overly serious. The hope of finding really attractive ranking by choosing procedures is however shown to be limited. Our results are illustrated on the case of tournaments.I am grateful to Hervé Raynaud and Jean-Claude Vansnick for stimulating discussions. Jean-François Laslier, Thierry Marchant, Bernard Monjardet, Xavier Juret and an anonymous referee made very helpful comments on earlier drafts of this text. Special thanks go to Patrice Perny who introduced me to the subject and to Olivier Hudry for his help with Slater orders. The usual caveat applies. Part of this work was accomplished while I was visiting the Service de Mathématiques de la Gestion at the Université Libre de Bruxelles (Brussels, Belgium). I gratefully acknowledge the warm hospitality of the Service de Mathématique de la Gestion as well as the support from the Belgian Fonds National de la Recherche Scientifique and the Brussels-Capital Region through a Research in Brussels action grant.     

The Long and Winding Road: Civil Repair of Intimate Injustice

Over the last decade, I have been trying to help fashion a new kind of critical social theory, one that can contribute to the "new theoretical reflection and interpretation of social contestation and political action" (Cohen 1982:xii) that such post-Marxist thinkers as Cohen and Seyla Benhabib (1986) called for two decades ago but that has seemed less and less ascertainable with the passing of time. Outlining a sociological approach to what I call the "civil sphere" of society, I have defined what I would like to think is a new object domain for sociology, one centering on the expansion and contraction of democratic solidarity. Through a series of conceptual elaborations and empirical investigations, I have begun to sketch out core components of this "civil sphere." These cultural and institutional components are fundamentally ambiguous, and they form contradictory relations with the "noncivil" domains that surround the civil sphere.     

What are opportunities and why should they be equal?

In order to clarify the concept of equal opportunities we need an accurate definition of opportunity. Opportunities can be defined in terms of qualifying actions through which an agent can achieve an advantageous position. It is concluded that equal opportunities is often used as a catchword in cases when opportunities are not really equal, and no one tries seriously to make them so. In many of these cases it would have been more accurate to speak of open opportunities and procedural justice. These are important enough aspects of social justice, that should be appreciated for what they are, rather than being falsely represented as equal opportunities.Received: 13 April 2001     

“Nothing More Than the Usual Injury”: Debating Hockey Violence During the Manslaughter Trials of Allan Loney (1905) and Charles Masson (1907)

This historical case study of violence in Canadian hockey examines media coverage of two manslaughter trials: the 1905 trial of Allan Loney and the 1907 trial of Charles Masson. Both players stood accused of killing opposing players by striking them in the head with their hockey sticks. In each case, the offending player was acquitted in the courts, mainly because such violence was deemed intrinsic to the sport. Injuries that resulted from violent acts were downplayed or ignored; even death from a deliberate stick attack could be rationalized as an unfortunate accident. Newspaper accounts of the deaths, trials, and subsequent acquittals offer valuable insight into the cultural narratives surrounding hockey violence and notions of masculinity in early twentieth‐century Canada. These cases generated considerable debate around the issue of what constituted “clean” and “rough” hockey. The game reports, trial coverage, and public opinion examined in this case study suggest that stick‐swinging incidents and aggressive play have been regarded as ordinary and “proper” aspects of “strenuous hockey” for more than a century. The historical examination of such cases is important because the justifications for violence that were articulated in the context of the deaths continue to be voiced in contemporary discussions of hockey violence. As long as fighting and aggression remain markers of masculinity – and hockey continues to be seen as a training ground for manhood – it will be difficult to remove such forms of violence from the sport.     

A GUIDE TO THE PITFALLS OF IDENTIFYING PRICE DISCRIMINATION

This paper demonstrates that plausible cost-based explanations exist for what are commonly perceived to be cases of price discrimination. We explain such commonly discussed problems as the price spreads of retail gasoline products, the "high" price of dinners at restaurants, the "high" price of popcorn at movie theaters, and the fact that airline ticket prices vary with how long the ticket is purchased before the flight's departure. Our explanations benefit from not relying on consumer ignorance or implicit collusion among numerous sellers.     

DISCRIMINATION, WOMEN, AND WORK: Processes and Variations by Race and Class

Research on gender and workplace stratification has made clear that persistent employment, wage, and mobility gaps exist, and that discrimination at organizational and interactional levels is playing a role. Few studies, however, have been able to directly capture processes involved. In this article, we draw on unique qualitative and quantitative data pertaining to verified cases of workplace sex and race discrimination (1988 to 2003), and analyze the discriminatory experiences of African-American and white women across various occupational statuses. Notable are high levels of discriminatory firing for both groups, but higher instances of race-based promotional discrimination for black women—a pattern partially linked to their disparate concentration in sex-segregated workplaces and in positions of lower occupational prestige. Our qualitative immersion into case materials reveals influential mechanisms and employer justifications, unique manifestations of differential treatment on the job, and the use of "soft skill" criteria in gatekeeper decision making. We conclude by discussing important dimensions of workplace discrimination for women, variations by social class and race status, and how complexities of status matter for what women experience and gatekeeper behavior.     

The Older Americans Act: should participants share in the cost of services?

Since its inception in 1965, the Older Americans Act has provided social services free of charge to older people, regardless of income. In recent years, the scarcity of resources has sparked a debate as to whether participants who can afford to pay for services should be required to do so. Of concern is whether charging fees will change the fundamental nature of these popular programs by imparting a "welfare" stigma. Other programs that require fees vary enormously by state, and there has been little documentation of their impact on participation, equity of service delivery, or public attitudes. In order to evaluate current proposals, it is necessary to analyze the distributional effects of the cost-sharing system, how the program will be administered, what impact it will have on service use, which services would be subject to cost sharing and at what income levels, and what constitutes a "reasonable" fee for service.     

The Older Americans Act

Since its inception in 1965, the Older Americans Act has provided social services free of charge to older people, regardless of income. In recent years, the scarcity of resources has sparked a debate as to whether participants who can afford to pay for services should be required to do so. Of concern is whether charging fees will change the fundamental nature of these popular programs by imparting a "welfare" stigma Other programs that require fees vary enormously by state, and there has been little documentation of their impact on participation, equity of service delivery, or public attitudes. In order to evaluate current proposals, it is necessary to analyze the distributional effects of the cost-sharing system, how the program will be administered, what impact it will have on service use, which services would be subject to cost sharing and at what income levels, and what constitutes a "reasonable" fee for service.