Mothers in prison: between the public institution and private family relations

This paper explores the practices concerning family relations as described by women inmates in Finnish prisons. The aim is to study how family relations are experienced as family practices in relation to institutional interference on the basis of qualitative interview data (n = 17). The study demonstrates that the prison stay of a family member means an exceptional institutional intrusion in the family's everyday life. A prison's task is to organize a sentence. At the same time, the institution modifies the practices of being a family by allowing or restricting the relations between family members. Consequently, this can be seen as a question of governing the family relations by appraising and standardizing the family. The study demonstrates, firstly, that there is a need to acknowledge and explore the diversity of family relations on the practical level and, secondly, that a wider perspective of family relations in an institutional context can be captured by combining the concepts of institutional and family practices.     

The structure of an undergraduate major and student learning: A cross-institutional study of political science programs at thirty-two colleges and universities

Is there a relationship between the way an undergraduate major in the social sciences is structured and student learning? In this paper, I address the relationship between the structure of the undergraduate major and student learning using data from the political science discipline. To assess the impact of the structure of the major on student achievement, a 29-item electronic questionnaire was employed. I find a very strong relationship between the degree to which a political science major program is structured and student knowledge, even when controlling for plausible alternative explanations for student performance. The results support the notion that majors that are characterized by a sequenced set of courses, the existence of a senior seminar or capstone course, and a required research methodology course taken early on in a Student's career, better prepare political science students than do relatively unstructured majors.Is there a relationship between the way an undergraduate major in the social sciences is structured and student learning? This is an extremely important and central question for social scientists in higher education for two reasons: (1) in this era of “assessment,” social science disciplines are coming under increasing pressure to demonstrate their utility in undergraduate education; (2) unlike other factors that affect student success (such as student ability and ambition) departments can more easily manipulate the structure of undergraduate majors (at least relatively speaking). Thus, understanding the relationship between the structure of the undergraduate major and student development is potentially a key element in instituting effective reforms in the undergraduate curriculum at colleges and universities across the country.In this paper, I address the relationship between the structure of the undergraduate major and student learning using data from the political science discipline. Indeed, there has been considerable interest in recent years in political science as to whether the structure of the undergraduate major has an impact on student learning. Some scholars have argued that the way a major is structured directly affects student development. For instance Wahlke (1991) criticized those political science undergraduate programs that had only a few required courses and other courses were offered as electives without any effort at sequencing them. Indeed, both the Association of American Colleges and Universities (AACU) report on the Liberal Arts and Sciences, and the report produced by the APSA Task Force on Political Science (Wahlke, 1991), noted that unstructured programs are incapable of promoting the necessary skills required of political science students. The AACU report argued that only a consciously structured major that promotes sequential learning creates the “building blocks of knowledge that lead to more sophisticated understanding and … leaps of the imagination and efforts at synthesis” (AACU, 1985, p. 24). The development of thinking skills cannot be accomplished “merely by cumulative exposure to more and more … subject matter”. Majors which emphasize breadth at the expense of depth result in “shallow learning unless students also grasp the assumptions, arguments, approaches, and controversies that have shaped particular claims and findings” (Wahlke, 1991, p. 49).Thus, how a political science major is structured is posited to be related to student learning. However, despite this assertion, relatively little empirical work has been done that systematically examines the relationship between the structure of the major and the development of political science undergraduates. Some works have described programs that seek to emulate the recommendations made by the APSA Task Force and AACU reports, but do not offer evidence that such programs have a positive impact on student learning (Breuning, Parker, & Ishiyama, 2001). Other works have sought to establish a connection between the structure of the major and student reasoning styles by comparing two institutions (Ishiyama & Hartlaub, 2003). However, no studies to date have systematically compared across a number of institutions to demonstrate an empirical connection between the structure of the political science major and student learning. This paper seeks to investigate the purported connection between the structure of the political science major and some aspects of student learning by analyzing data collected from a survey of (32) colleges and universities from across the United States.     

The “White Card” is grey: Survelliance,endurance and the Cashless Debit Card

Introduced in 2016, the Cashless Debit Card (CDC) is part of a welfare policy trial designed to restrict and direct the expenditure of Aboriginal people receiving a range of government benefits. In this article, I explain that the CDC, also referred to as the “White Card,” appeases the concerns of non-Aboriginal residents and broader Australia and that government is attempting to ameliorate Aboriginal dysfunction. I offer an account of income management in daily life from the perspective of those living with the Card in the East Kimberley town of Wyndham. I describe it as interconnected to a broader range of suite of government policies and enmeshed in broader social and political relations. Focused on participant observation and interviews undertaken with Wyndham residents in the period immediately after the introduction of the Card, this perspective is informed by longer-term research in the region since 2013. I show that the Card acts as a quotidian form of disciplining surveillance against Aboriginal people. It is also a site of reinterpretation and rearticulation through the development of subversive practices by Aboriginal people, what I describe as the labour of endurance: Card holders are trying to endure its effects and manage its invasiveness into their lives.     

College Freshmen at Risk—Social Problems at Issue: An Exploratory Study of a Texas/Mexico Border Community College*

Objective. The objective of this article is to explore the factors that place college freshmen at risk of dropping classes in mid‐semester. Methods. Data for this study are from interviews done with 283 male students and 281 female students using a questionnaire that was developed from an initial focus group with 130 students. Results. The findings indicate that many of the explanations for dropping a class are not caused by the performance of the faculty member teaching the course and are also not correlated to the lack of institutional commitment to student development. Conclusion. These results suggest that peer influence is strong at the freshman‐college level and that a multitude of problems, many external to academics, is exerting a significant influence on students' decision to withdraw prematurely from college credit courses.     

Widening the gap: White ignorance,race relations and the consequences for Aboriginal people in Australia

White ignorance has a critical impact on race relations and is implicated in the maintenance of Aboriginal disadvantage. Addressing this ignorance is a largely overlooked capacity-building opportunity within Australia's non-Aboriginal population. It warrants consideration as a key component of strategies targeting Aboriginal disadvantage. Despite the established links between race relations and Aboriginal well-being, Aboriginal perspectives on non-Aboriginal people rarely feature in public discourse on “Aboriginal problems.” This paper draws on data from 180 in-depth interviews with 44 Aboriginal people in Darwin on the topic of White Australian people, culture and race relations. It reports Aboriginal perceptions of White Australian ignorance across areas of great symbolic and practical significance to Aboriginal people's lives. Their experience is that most White Australians are ignorant of the history of colonisation and the complexities of its aftermath. They are ignorant of Aboriginal law, cultures and languages, and of the extent of their own ignorance. The call to address White ignorance subverts assumptions about whose ignorance and capacity must be dealt with in order to progress national goals of reconciliation, address Aboriginal disadvantage and achieve justice and equality for Aboriginal people.     

Backing Barack Because He's Black: Racially Motivated Voting in the 2008 Election*

Objective. If racial considerations influenced the outcome of the 2008 presidential election, then how did they shape the campaign, why did race matter, and for whom were such considerations important? I hypothesize that various racial attitudes exert unique influences on voters' support of Obama and that the effects of these attitudes differ by race. Methods. Using a Time Magazine poll, I distinguish between “attitudes regarding Obama's ‘Blackness’” and “opinions about race relations,” and I examine such sentiments among White and African‐American respondents. Results. Regardless of race, Obama support was highest among voters who were “comfortable” with Black candidates. However, increased optimism with racial progress had no effect on Blacks' voting intentions, and it actually lowered Obama support among Whites. Conclusion. The conventional wisdom is that African Americans “backed Barack because he is Black”; I demonstrate that Obama's race mattered more to White voters than it did to Blacks.     

我国所有制改革历程的制度经济学探索

文章在制度经济学的框架下 ,从所有制概念入手 ,探索出所有制问题的一般规定性 ,在此基础上回顾和分析了我国所有制改革历程 ,总结出我国所有制改革的制度变迁特点 ,进一步得出关于未来所有制改革的启示。     

Relationship course theory: An interdisciplinary integrative proposition to address the complexification of interpersonal relationships

Researchers have been observing a complexification of interpersonal relationships in contemporary societies. However, current theoretical perspectives on relationships fall short of comprehensively grasping increasingly diverse and fluid relationship types (e.g., friends with benefits, polyamory, living-apart-together, coparenting, etc.) and patterns of change. In an attempt to meet the need for more integrative and interdisciplinary theorizing, this paper introduces a first outline of relationship course theory to better comprehend the complexity of relationships. In contrast to previous theoretical perspectives that conceptualize relationships as a single trajectory, I posit that the course of a relationship is composed of multiple intertwined trajectories, each of which stemming from differentiated domains such as sexuality, friendship, love, family, domesticity, and occupation. These relationship domains constitute a metatypology from which to examine the multiple sets of meanings and temporalities that intertwine throughout the course of a relationship. I propose that relationships are defined based on the combination of relationship domains, with different iterations and permutations of these domains producing various relationship configurations. Furthermore, the theory defines three levels of relationship courses: Sociocultural (i.e., stories that circulate about relationships in given sociocultural contexts), interpersonal (i.e., stories that individuals co-construct about the particular relationships they experience), and life courses (i.e., stories that individuals co-construct about themselves as relational beings). This proposition will hopefully stimulate the theoretical conversation on the complexity of relationships and foster dialogue between researchers from different theoretical and disciplinary affiliations.     

中日关系:知命之年的新认知CSSCI

自1972年恢复邦交,中日关系已走过整整半个世纪的历程,步入了知命之年。由于围绕中日关系的两国自身、地区和全球环境均已发生全面、深刻变化,导致步入知命之年的中日关系依然存有诸多事关重大、亟待重新认知的“未知”。本文主要从两国各自的基本发展态势、环绕周围的东亚地区秩序,以及身处其中的世界百年变局等三大层面,对步入知命之年的中日关系进行重新认知。在两国各自发展态势层面,主要分析了增长态势逆转、实力对比变化、依存位势转变、政经互动态势改变等产生的多重影响,对知命之年的中日关系进行了新的定位;在东亚地区秩序层面,重点讨论了中日关系发展与东亚秩序演变之间的多重关联和高度互动,基于东亚“增长奇迹”和“合作奇迹”的“创造”与“再造”的地域视域,对知命之年的中日关系进行了新的观察;在世界百年变局层面,系统探究了世界百年变局快速变化和加速演进,尤其是新兴市场群体快速崛起、全球治理体系快速变革、大国实力对比快速变化带来的新机遇和新挑战,对知命之年的中日关系进行了新的思考。     

A Review of Institutional Reform over the Past 30 Years from the Perspective of Change Management

The Leading Group for Deepening Reform Comprehensively has been set up on the decision of the CPC Central Committee to be in charge of the overall planning of reform, taking a balanced and coordinated approach, advancing reform as a whole and supervising its implementation. This means that change management has become an important item on the agenda. Systematically reviewing and examining the course of the seven rounds of institutional reform introduced by the State Council since 1978 from the perspective of change management, we find that the reforms have advanced gradually and steadily, with functional transformation as the core feature and key to each round of reform. The transformation of government functions exhibits a marked two-phase character. The first phase focuses on change in government functions relating to economic management, while the second focuses on enhancing and improving macro-control systems to strengthen social management and public service functions. However, in terms of program design, the goals and measures of the past 10 years’ functional transformation have clearly not been specific enough to establish a clear relationship between the three rounds of institutional reform programs and the concrete measures and their effects. Therefore, the question of whether institutional reform itself needs reform has become a new proposition for practice, one that needs to be reviewed in terms of strategic orientation, mode of implementation, public responsibilities and overall design.     

论大国竞争背景下美国对华海上博弈

美国自喻为海洋国家,控制海洋不仅是保护其地缘政治和商业利益的需要,也是其称霸世界的手段。美国正倾全力转向大国竞争,美军从冷战后控制沿海区域和由沿海向陆地投送影响力转向既控制沿海,又主导大洋。从地缘政治和军事等方面考察,不论是美国的“印太战略”“海洋控制”,还是“太平洋威慑计划”和“分布式杀伤链”战法,都表明美国把与中国战略竞争的方向放在海上,特别是西太平洋。近代以来,中国遭受的帝国主义侵略大多来自海上。2012年,中共十八大提出“建设海洋强国”的战略目标。2015年中国国防白皮书强调,海洋关系到中国的长治久安和可持续发展。因此,经略好海洋成为中华民族复兴的大计。从时空上看,美国回归海洋控制与中国建设海洋强国正形成剧烈对冲。近年来,两国在东海、台海和南海的对峙背后是传统海洋大国与新崛起海洋国家在构建海上力量平衡的必然结果。在大国战略竞争的环境下,这场围绕海洋权益的博弈将决定未来两国关系走向与状态。     

Performing Femininities: Listening to White Working-Class Girls in Rural Maine

In this article, I explore the ways in which sixth, seventh, and eighth grade White girls from poor and working-class families in rural Maine understand, express, and react to dominant cultural definitions of femininity. Using a qualitative method, The Listening Guide, to interpret data gathered over the course of a year from weekly videotaped focus group conversations and individual interviews, I identify and underscore the contradictory nature of what constitutes appropriately feminine discourse and behavior for these girls—discourse and behavior that is radically different from the dominant White middle-class cultural ideal and that offers these girls a wide range of physical and verbal expression not usually considered under the rubric of conventional femininity. I then examine the girls' ambivalent relationship with middle-class propriety, as well as their anger, their longing, and, in some cases, their resistance to dominant cultural ideologies of femininity. Although such resistance may serve them well in their local community, it puts them at odds with the expectations of their teachers and other adults invested in the conventional feminine ideal and thus underscores their displacement in school and society. The Listener's Guide, I contend, provides a way to elucidate the struggles these working-class girls experience as they negotiate and contest contradictory voices and visions of appropriately feminine behavior and constructions of self vying for their attention and allegiance.     

Addressing the School-to-Prison Pipeline: Examining Micro- and Macro-Level Variables that Affect School Disengagement and Subsequent Felonies

Abstract

This study examines the School-to-Prison Pipeline (STPP) by identifying individual legal and extra-legal variables and school-level factors that predict juvenile/criminal justice involvement using 2006–2012 matched data from education and justice systems (n?=?21,457). The role of school disengagement is also assessed, measuring unexcused absences that follow suspensions in the previous academic year. For the court-involved subsample (n?=?7349), after controlling for student behavior, demographic, and school-level factors; extra-legal racial differences remain a significant factor in determining higher counts of felonies with African American and Multi-racial students at increased likelihood (1.65 and 1.86 times, respectively for the higher latent class) of juvenile/criminal justice involvement as compared with White students. And, although White students were found to either be more disengaged or equally disengaged when compared with students of color, sharp differences in criminal justice involvement and outcomes exist by race/ethnicity. These findings suggest that addressing the STPP will require future research and focus on more than individual-level behaviors (school disengagement and school-based offenses) and attention to the impact of extra-legal variables and systemic implicit bias.     

The Racial Divide in Response to the Aftermath of Katrina: A Boundary Condition for Common Ingroup Identity Model

The disastrous aftermath of Katrina brought to light a great rift between Blacks and Whites in the United States. Polls taken shortly after the disaster gave clear indication that many Blacks felt that the response to Katrina was slowed by racism. At the same time, many Whites felt that the residents of New Orleans were to blame for their predicament. To understand the causal role ethnic identity plays in shaping individuals' perceptions, the present study experimentally manipulated Whites' social identification and measured their perceptions of the Katrina disaster's aftermath. Our results indicate that White Americans exhibited greater prejudice when thinking of themselves as "American" (an identity seemingly inclusive of Blacks) than when identifying as "White American" or "European American" (an identity that seemingly excludes Blacks). This finding demonstrates a boundary condition to the Common Ingroup Identity Model, such that a dual identity is more conducive to positive intergroup relations when strong racial assumptions exist about the overarching identity.     

Perceptions of Racism in Hurricane Katrina: A Liberation Psychology Analysis

Poll data showed that African Americans perceived more racism in the response to Hurricane Katrina than did White Americans. In this article, we consider claims about racism in Katrina-related events in light of (a) our program of experimental research on group differences in perception of racism and (b) the meta-theoretical perspective of Liberation Psychology (LP). First, this analysis suggests that White Americans may perceive less racism in the Katrina disaster because they are less likely than African Americans to know about historically documented acts of past racism (e.g., following the Mississippi flood of 1927). Second, group differences may arise because African Americans and White Americans face divergent motivations regarding perception of racism. Whereas African Americans may have motivations to be vigilant for the possibility of racism, White Americans may be motivated to deny racism because it constitutes a threat to social identity and to the legitimacy of the status quo.     

'You'd Be Good at That': Gender Patterns in Parent-Child Talk about Courses

This study examined the parent-child dyad as a context in which children's gender-stereotyped course selections are reinforced. Fifty four children from two age groups ( M s  =  10.67 and 12.71 years) and their mothers and fathers selected courses for when children reached secondary school. Afterwards, children and parents discussed their decisions. Parents of sons selected fewer foreign language courses than mathematics, language arts or science courses, whereas parents of daughters selected fewer science and foreign language than mathematics or language arts courses. Girls selected fewer science than language arts courses, whereas boys selected fewer foreign language than mathematics or science courses. Although parents' course selections followed gender-stereotyped patterns for language arts and science, their discouraging comments were not confined to cross-gender-stereotyped domains. Instead, parents made more discouraging comments in general to daughters than to sons. Counter to the hypotheses, daughters made more encouraging comments about science courses than did sons while talking to mothers. The findings suggest that parents and children may show gender-differentiated preferences for children before children are old enough to make course decisions.     

Patterns of Bully/Victim Problems in Mixed Race Groups of Children

This study investigated the extent of bullying within and between British Asian and White girls and boys (n = 156) and some of the reasons why it occurs. There was no significant difference in the percentage of peers that nominated Asian and White children as either bullies or victims. Contrary to our prediction (derived from Tajfel's social judgement theory), both Asian children and White children were significantly more likely to be named as bullies of same-race classmates than to be named as bullies of other-race classmates. Again contrary to our prediction, for Asian boys and White boys there were no significant correlations between general racial preferences/attitudes on the one hand, and the extent to which they were named by classmates as bullies of other-race children on the other hand. In order to investigate the types of bullying directed at own-race and other-race pupils, a subset of the sample of children (n = 60) were also asked about the specific types of bullying they had experienced, and who was responsible. Some significant racial differences emerged, most notably that proportionally more Asian children than White children reported that they had been teased about their colour or race by children of the other-race, and the opposite was the case for non-racial types of teasing. The implications of these results for children's social development, and for school's attempts to remove bully/victim problems, are discussed. One recommendation was that teasing, and especially racial teasing by racial majority pupils, should be a focus for intervention.     

Educational Policy, Politics, and Mixed Heritage Students in the United States

This article describes local, state, and federal policies related to collecting, aggregating, and reporting data on student race and ethnicity in U.S. K-12 and postsecondary education. It traces data policy from the 1997 decision by the Office of Management and Budget to change from single-race reporting to a format that permits respondents to choose more than one race, to the October 2007 issuance of final guidance from the Department of Education. Taking a K-20 perspective, I consider how policies for data collection and reporting may affect educational and developmental outcomes for students, as well as local, state, and national education policy environments.     

Contexts of Mother–Child Separations in Homeless Families

Families that contend with the losses, disruptions, and hardships occasioned by homelessness often experience dispersal of children as well. Although a federal initiative on homeless families identified family preservation as a focus of intervention development, there is little research to guide service efforts. This qualitative study of mother–child separations in homeless families with maternal mental health and/or substance use problems identifies precursors of separations (precarious housing, turbulent relationships, substance abuse by mothers and others, institutional confinement, and children's needs) and examines how mothers' responses to these events and conditions interact with social and institutional contexts to shape variations in the course and outcome of separations. Implications for research, services, and policies affecting homeless families are discussed.