Reconsidering the Division of Household Labor: Incorporating Volunteer Work and Informal Support

The gendered division of household labor is more multifaceted than the allocation of paid work and domestic work. People also engage in volunteer work and informal support. I investigate the applicability of household labor allocation theories—specifically the time constraints, economic, and “doing gender” perspectives—to all unpaid work. I analyze the 1997 Australian Time Use Survey diaries of 1,797 married couples using logistic, ordinary least squares, and seemingly unrelated regressions. Analyses show that volunteer work and support work are substantial expenditures associated with paid work and housework, but they do not create a “third shift.” Volunteer work and support work are part of the gendered household labor allocation process determined, in part, by time constraints and by gender.     

ECONOMIES OF SCALE IN THE HOUSEHOLD: PUZZLES AND PATTERNS FROM THE AMERICAN PAST

Estimates of household economies of scale are critical for measuring income and living standards, yet we know little about how these scale economies change over time. I use American household expenditure surveys to produce the first comparable historical estimates of household scale economies. I find that scale economies changed significantly from 1888 to 1935 for all expenditure categories considered (food, clothing, entertainment, and housing), but not all trends in scale economies are consistent with theoretical predictions. As such, our notions about household economies of scale must be reassessed in light of this historical evidence. (JEL D1, E3, I3, J1, N3)     

Does Parenthood Strengthen a Traditional Household Division of Labor? Evidence From Sweden

Parenthood is often considered a major factor behind gender differences in time allocation, especially between paid work and housework. This article investigates the impact of parenthood on men’s and women’s daily time use in Sweden and how it changed over the 1990s. The analysis is made using time diary data from the Multinational Time Use Survey (MTUS; N = 13,729) and multivariate Tobit regressions. The results indicate that while parenthood in 1990 – 1991 clearly strengthened the traditional gender division of labor in the household, this was much less the case in 2000 – 2001, when parenthood affected men and women in a more similar way.     

Paternity Leave and the Motherhood Penalty: New Causal Evidence

Objective: The objective of this study was to test how a father's paternity leave affects the within‐household gender wage gap among heterosexual couples. Background: Previous studies focus on the actual number of days of leave the father takes, but if an important driver of the gender wage gap is the effect of parental leave on gender‐specific household specialization, absolute variations in the father's leave should not be the key interest. Instead, this article tests the effect of the extent of the father's leave relative to that of the mother's leave because it is this variation that plausibly affects the division of household labor and through this the within‐household gender wage gap. Method: Full sample, administrative data are from Statistics Denmark. Causal inference was facilitated by exploiting 5 Danish parental leave reforms on 5 separate samples of all households who become first‐time parents within the year before and after each reform (N₁ = 2,304; N₂ = 45,683; N₃ = 16,668; N₄ = 42,328; N₅ = 38,978). Results: Father's leave reduces the within‐household gender wage gap through increasing mother's wages. Father's leave furthermore causes an increase in total household wage incomes. Conclusion: Father's stronger involvement in the household may be one route to more gender equality, but more so to increased financial well‐being among families.     

Child‐focused Parenting after Separation: Socio‐legal Developments and Challenges

In this article I utilise developing ideas in family law as a backdrop against which to discuss changing assumptions about parenting. In particular, I examine the gender‐neutral assumptions within family law in Australia and elsewhere in the light of seemingly contradictory evidence about the value of post‐separation fathering. That men were equally capable of providing effective parenting was by no means clear at the time that the principle of gender‐neutrality became common in family law—the 1960s and 70s. Only recently, has burgeoning research on fathering begun to more clearly affirm its value and to clarify the conditions under which pre and post separation fathering makes a positive difference. Paradoxically, it is at this very time that legally based challenges to the gender‐neutral, shared‐parenting philosophy of the 1995 Australian Family Law Reform Act have begun to emerge. The often‐perplexed interface between law, social science research and therapeutic intervention presents many challenges. I conclude the article by flagging a number of questions relevant to family therapists in this difficult field of work.     

INSTITUTIONS,HOUSEHOLD CREDIT COMPOSITION,AND THE BUSINESS CYCLE

We show that the negative effect of household credit growth on subsequent economic growth documented in the recent literature is not the same across countries. The effect is stronger in countries with weak institutions where the fraction of consumer credit in total household credit is greater. That is an important nuance as consumer credit is a sizable part of household credit in many emerging markets and its rapid buildup should be observed with the same caution as a rapid buildup in housing credit. (JEL G21, E32, E44)     

We’re Decent People: Constructing and Managing Family Identity in Rural Working‐Class Communities

Using grounded theory methodology, I establish family identity management as an important type of invisible work that connects women's household‐based domestic activities with community members’ perceptions and treatment of them and their family members. Detailed observations of household routines and family interactions, as well as in‐depth interviews with working‐class women living in two rural trailer park communities, provide insight into the meanings women assign to this labor, and their motivations for performing this work. I describe the strategies that women use to accomplish the work, examine how the work supports family life and child development, and explain how the residential environment influences the organization and accomplishment of this work.     

Children’s Time Use: Labor Divisions and Schooling in Indonesia

Data from the Worker and Iron Status Evaluation are used to examine gendered patterns in children’s time in market and nonmarket work, schooling, and leisure in Indonesia (N= 2,929). Boys spend more time in market work; girls spend more time in nonmarket work. Work responsibilities increase with age as well as gender differentials in children’s time use. By age 18, girls spend nearly 1 more hour per day working and enjoy significantly less leisure time, but the gender gap in schooling is not significant, suggesting that parents and children are committed to both work and schooling. Additionally, Tobit regression results suggest that parents’ education, household income, and rural residency are important predictors of children’s labor and schooling time.     

Seymour Martin Lipset: The social uses of anomaly

Let me preface my remarks by saying that we are here to honor a living, breathing colleague. My great concern, and in this I am sure that I speak for my colleagues as well, is that any imputation of a postmortem be avoided. Indeed, I would like to believe that Marty will review these various contributions and make his own assessments-critical or approvingly. The fact that he is not present in this conference hall should not deter us from speaking frankly and forthrightly. Marty merits nothing less. What binds us all is the sure knowledge that the work of Lipset speaks to us in personal as well as professional ways. That he has touched so many of us in both the private and public realms is itself a testimonial of the magnitude of his contribution to the field of political sociology. So it is in that spirit of a collégial dialogue that I offer these remarks. Let us hope that a year from now a session of one person can be held, at which S. M. Lipset will provide rebuttals and responses to those of us herein gathered. His most recent work in the field is Behemoth: Main Currents in the History and Theory of Political Sociology. The two major sources for traching the written works of Seymour Lipset are contained in Reexamining Democracy: Essays in Honor of Seymour Martin Lipset, edited by Gary Marx and Martin Diamond. Newberry Park, California: Sage Publishers. 1992, especially pp. 332–355. For work done by Lipset after 1991; as embodied in his later work, see Lipset's essay on “Steady Work: An Academic Memoir,” Annual Review of Socialogy: Greenwich, CT: JAI Press, 1996, pp. 1–27. My reference to works mentioned in the narrative can be found in either of these bibliography sources.     

Enough Time for Housework? Low‐Wage Work and Desired Housework Time Adjustments

Although studies examine preferences for hours spent in paid employment, little attention has been given to preferences for hours spent in unpaid household labor. This study examines the extent to which women working in low‐paid retail jobs would prefer to spend more or less time on household work and how alignment between preferred and actual time on housework is related to characteristics of paid work. Using original survey data and company records on a sample of women working at a U.S. retail firm (N = 277), the authors found that mismatch between preferred and actual time on household work was common. Roughly 42% wanted more time on household work and 18% wanted less. Working multiple jobs, work schedule unpredictability, and nonstandard work timing contributed to wanting more time on housework. Findings add to understanding of how low‐wage, precarious employment shapes workers' ability to attend to necessary tasks of household management.     

Domestic Work and the Wage Penalty for Motherhood in West Germany

Previous research suggests that household tasks prohibit women from unfolding their full earning potential by depleting their work effort and limiting their time flexibility. The present study investigated whether this relationship can explain the wage gap between mothers and nonmothers in West Germany. The empirical analysis applied fixed‐effects models and used self‐reported information on time use and earnings as well as monthly family and work histories from the German Socio‐Economic Panel (1985–2007, N = 1,810; Wagner, Frick, & Schupp, 2007 ). The findings revealed that variation in reported time spent on child care and housework on a typical weekday explains part of the motherhood wage penalty, in particular for mothers of very young children. Furthermore, housework time incurred a significant wage penalty, but only for mothers. The authors concluded that policies designed to lighten women's domestic workload may aid mothers in following rewarding careers.     

Assimilation effects beyond the labor market: time allocations of Mexican immigrants to the US

I use the American Time Use Survey from 2003 to 2012 to analyze, from a gender and marital status perspective, how the time Mexican immigrants devote to market work, household production, personal care, and leisure activities compare to the corresponding time allocations of US natives. Furthermore, I estimate the effect of duration of residence in the US on the immigrants overall patterns of time use. Time diary evidence indicates that, upon arrival to the US, Mexican immigrant men devote more time to market work and commuting than comparable non-Hispanic natives, regardless of their marital status. On the other hand, Mexican immigrant women devote the same amount of time to these activities as the non-Hispanic reference groups, irrespective of the marital status. In addition, the trend data show that immigrant men decrease their paid work with years since migration while immigrant women increase it. Estimates indicate that, for married immigrant men there is a tradeoff between market work and household work, whereas for single immigrant men the tradeoff is between market work and leisure. Finally, Mexican immigrant women relinquish mostly passive leisure and sleep time to meet demands of family and market work.     

Mothers' management of their combined workloads: clerical work and household needs

Le nombre de femmes — et surtout de mères — qui sont présentes sur le marché du travail est en augmentation rapide. Comme la responsabilité de ces femmes à l'égard des travaux domestiques demeure généralement inchangée, elle font face à une charge de travail lourde et complexe dont les tǎches sont souvent difficiles à concilier. Quand on est à la fois mère et employée de bureau, on doit organiser ses journées de travail de manière à répondre aux besoins de la famille et à ceux de l'employeur. Ces travailleuses y parviennent en modifiant leur emploi du temps, notamment du temps qu'elles consacrent aux travaux domestiques, en formant un réseau de soutien ménager composé de membres de la famille étendue et d'autres fournisseurs de soins, et en adaptant leur travail de bureau aux besoins du ménage. De telles mesures permettent aux femmes de satisfaire aux exigences d'un emploi à temps plein et d'atténuer les effets de leur absence de la maison tout en assumant le gros de la responsabilité des travaux ménagers. The rapid increase in women's, and especially mothers', labour force participation, coupled with their continuing responsibility for domestic work, has resulted in an extensive, complex, and often conflicting workload. Women who are both mothers and clerical workers must organize their workdays so as to meet the demands of families as well as offices. They do this through the adaptation of their use of time, especially in household work, the active integration of a household support network which includes extended family members and other caregivers, and the accommodation of their office employment to meet household needs. These efforts enable women to fulfill the demands of full-time paid employment, mitigating their absence from the household, while continuing to absorb the primary responsibility for the performance of domestic work. I'm 35 … I put off having a child to this point because I couldn't quite imagine myself juggling the role of worker, wife, mother, and I could never understand how women could do that. I always wanted children, but I wanted to be a mother and be able to spend some time at home, and I kept putting off having children, waiting for the right time when I would be home with my children for a couple of years before I'd have to return to the workforce. That time has never come. Economically, it's not possible to stay home, and I'm getting old, as far as childbearing years, so finally my husband and I have come to the decision that there never was going to be a right time, and to have a child. (Lorraine, 6 months pregnant, Student Services Clerk, Pacific Technical College.)     

Health and the household

We underscore the close link between the economics of the household and health economics in a framework in which consumers produce their fundamental objects of choice. Health is produced with inputs of market goods and services and the own time of the consumer. Health is demanded not only because it is an argument in the utility function but also because it determines the amount of time available for market and nonmarket production. The latter motive points to health capital as one component of the stock of human capital. The economics of the household has much to say about the determinants of investment in this type of capital. The five health economics papers in this issue of Review of Economics of the Household are connected by an emphasis on the role of time in the production of two aspects of health: obesity and the general health of elderly persons.      

Organising Work and Home in Same‐Sex Parented Families: Findings From the Work Love Play Study

In this article we present findings from the Work, Love and Play (WLP) study: a survey completed by 445 same‐sex attracted parents across Australia and New Zealand. Comparisons of household division of labour are made between a sub‐sample of WLP participants, who were currently cohabiting with a same‐sex partner (n = 317), and 958 cohabiting opposite‐sex parents surveyed as part of a major Australian study, Negotiating the Life Course. This comparison showed that same‐sex couples divided household labour significantly more equally than heterosexual parents, and lesbian couples also shared parenting tasks more equally. Qualitative findings from the WLP study indicate that, for many same‐sex couples, major decisions around who gives up paid work and how many hours parents choose to work, as well as decisions around work/family balance, are negotiated on the basis of couple's preferences and circumstance rather than an assumption that one parent will be the primary child carer. It is speculated that this finding highlights an important point of difference between same‐sex couples and heterosexual couples where the division of household labour is often based on the assumption that the mother will almost always be the primary child carer and homemaker. The research is a collaborative partnership between La Trobe University, Deakin University, The University of Melbourne, and Relationships Australia Victoria.     

Why emotion work matters: sex,gender, and the division of household labor

Attempting to explain why biological sex remains the primary predictor of household labor allocation, gender theorists have suggested that husbands and wives perform family work in ways that facilitate culturally appropriate constructions of gender. To date, however, researchers have yet to consider the theoretical and empirical significance of emotion work in their studies of the gendered division of household labor. Using survey data from 335 employed, married parents, I examine the relative influence of economic resources, time constraints, gender ideology, sex, and gender on the performance of housework, child care, and emotion work. Results indicate that gender construction, not sex, predicts the performance of emotion work and that this performance reflects a key difference in men's and women's gendered constructions of self.     

Nevertheless They Persisted: Gendered Frameworks and Socialization Advantages in Indian Professional Service Firms

This article uses the Indian case to offer nuance to narratives about the gendered experience of professional work. I find that while gendered constructs certainly infiltrate all workspaces, there remain occupational and organizational differences in the ways in which women experience their environments. Particularly, while Indian women lawyers overall are more disadvantaged than their international counterparts, the experience of women lawyers in very elite law firms is more favorable than both their local and global peers. A confluence of factors might be responsible for this unusual experience of professional work, but this article highlights the importance of one set of supply side dynamics: the variations in socializing experiences and expectations before entry into these firms. In doing so, it adds to the literature that suggests the importance of not just enrollment parity, but also early training and institutional socialization for gender egalitarian professional outcomes.     

DOES CORRUPTION ATTENUATE THE EFFECT OF RED TAPE ON EXPORTS?

I use firm ‐level data to examine whether corruption attenuates the adverse effects of red tape on exports. I find that, conditional on there being customs‐related red tape, a firm is better off if it can use bribes to lower the delay that it faces. However, I also find that corruption has a negative overall effect on a firm's decision to export. That is, corruption prevents some firms from entering the export market. These results suggest that to gauge the overall effect of corruption, we must compare its red‐tape attenuating effect with its adverse effect on a firm's decision to export. (JEL F10, F14, K42)     

Being a service user and a social work academic: balancing expert identities

Abstract

I am a service user and academic working in a university social work department. My hybrid identity allows me to draw on different types of knowledge in all aspects of my work, including: academic, practice and experiential wisdom. Service user involvement is mandated across social work education but the scope and breadth of different kinds of participation is developed in diverse ways across university contexts. This article affirms the value of service user involvement in health and social care education, exploring its positive impact on students. When lecturers share personal experience of using services alongside practice and academic wisdom in the course of teaching, sometimes the value of experiential knowledge is doubted and its influence dismissed. I examine the importance of experiential wisdom in social work education, specifically when it is embedded in an academic role in a university social work department, and consider how it can be respected and valued. The parallel experiences of involving peer support workers in mental health services, who use their knowledge of recovery to mentor other service users, are then briefly examined, together with reflection of the concerns across mental health with professionals sharing their experiential wisdom with the people that they support.     

Zebra crossing: walking in two continents sharing and celebrating difference through music

I use the metaphor zebra crossing in my reflective narrative to describe my plight and struggle as a non-white person growing up and working in Johannesburg, South Africa, during the apartheid era. This article considers and compares the notions of culture, diversity and identity as I now work in a tertiary institution in Melbourne, Australia. I reflect on my teaching of African music and position myself as ‘the other’ at zebra crossings, as I create a space in multicultural Australia. By engaging in meaningful dialogue with music and culture, I contend, we do have opportunity to explore, experience and express music making and sharing globally. The inclusion and embracing of non-western music can serve as a dais for understanding and celebrating cultural difference not as distant experiences but as integral aspects of our daily lives.