Culture‐Inclusive Theories of Self and Social Interaction: The Approach of Multiple Philosophical Paradigms

In view of the fact that culture‐inclusive psychology has been eluded or relatively ignored by mainstream psychology, the movement of indigenous psychology is destined to develop a new model of man that incorporates both causal psychology and intentional psychology as suggested by Vygotsky (1927). Following the principle of cultural psychology: “one mind, many mentalities” (Shweder et al., 1998), the Mandala Model of Self (Hwang, 2011a,b) and Face and Favor Model (Hwang, 1987, 2012) were constructed to represent the universal mechanisms of self and social interaction that can be applied to any culture; both models can be used as conceptual frameworks for analyzing mentalities of people in any given culture. Taking research works from Foundations of Chinese Psychology: Confucian Social Relation as exemplars (Hwang, 2012), this article illustrates how to construct culture‐inclusive theories of Confucianism by multiple philosophical paradigms. The mechanism of culture‐inclusive theory can be applied to explain qualitative research findings on lifeworld events of people in a particular society. It can also be utilized to predict results of quantitative research conducted to verify theoretical propositions in the scientific microworld by empirical methods.     

Globalizing Indigenous Psychology: An East Asian Form of Hierarchical Relationalism with Worldwide Implications

Globalization has changed almost every facet of life for people around the world, and today the flow of influence is no longer uni‐directional. It is argued that East Asian (and especially Chinese) societies are anchored in an indigenous form of hierarchical relationalism where social structure is produced by relational obligations of an ethical and normative nature that have slowed its traditional culture “melting into air” as prophesied by Marx. The successfully modernization of East Asia has involved hybridization, compartmentalization, and sequencing of traditional psychological features of Confucianist societies such as delay of gratification and respect for education, paternalistic leadership, filial piety, and beliefs in harmony or benevolence. Features of hierarchical relationalism are adaptable to creating niches for East Asian societies that thrive under globalization as characterized by the paradoxical coupling of economic inequality in fact with discourses of equality in principle. Moral, ethical demands for enlightened leadership constrain East Asian elites to at least attempt to protect subordinates and protect societal (rather than merely individual or familial) well‐being. A fundamental contribution of East Asia to global society may be in the articulation of how to ameliorate economic inequality using Confucian principles of hierarchical relationalism.     

"学衡派"的人性善恶论——以吴宓、缪凤林为例

吴宓、缪凤林是"学衡派"中谈论人性较多的学者.他们主张人性二元论,认为人性有善有恶,可善可恶.他们的人性论有重要的西学背景,但主要是对中国传统伦理尤其是儒家伦理的复归,表现出"学衡派"作为文化民族主义派别的一些基本特征.     

宋代田园诗民胞物与的情感意蕴——以南宋赵蕃田园诗为中心

世人皆为同胞、万物俱是同辈的理念正是儒家仁政爱民思想的体现。赵蕃的田园诗,再现了南宋中、后期农村优美的自然风光与农人快乐的劳动场景,也反映了农民劳动生活的艰辛,更有人们在自然灾害面前渴盼神灵降福而举行的祈雨仪式,充分反映了诗人民胞物与的情怀,代表了宋代士人仁政爱民的政治理想,具有鲜明的历史价值和现实主义特点。     

儒家理念统摄下的神道教化--论《醒世姻缘传》的神道设教

《醒世姻缘传》中的神道教化始终遵循着儒家的思想传统。由凡入圣的晁夫人是儒家博施济众、仁爱为本的理想化身。晁梁最终选择以孝子终身的生存方式 ,显示出儒家血缘伦理道德在作者心中的崇高地位。晁源、狄希陈与薛素姐的两世孽缘则表明 ,《醒世姻缘传》消化吸收佛教因果轮回观念 ,无非是要强调儒家仁义纲常为本的伦理道德设置不容践踏。作者在神道设教中弘扬儒家道德理想的主观意愿 ,也在一定程度上给作品的写实带来了负面影响     

Relational ethics as a cultural constraint on fathers' parental leave in a Confucian welfare state,South Korea

Promoting fathers' parental leave has recently become of major policy interest in many welfare states. The Korean Government also introduced paid parental leave for working fathers in 2001 and has increasingly strengthened such incentive schemes. However, despite its rapid advancement, fathers' utilisation of parental leave is increasing slowly and most fathers still opt out of their responsibilities for childcare. As sociocultural norms are a primary cause of this low take-up behaviour pattern, this study focuses on the Confucian relational ethics deeply embedded in Korean society. Through in-depth interviews with 15 Korean working couples, this article demonstrates how Confucian relational ethics constrain fathers from enjoying their individual right to parental leave by designating them as last-resort caregivers within families and as forefront workers in the workplace. This study shows the importance of the sociocultural grounding of a society to ordinary citizens when they utilise a social policy in their daily lives.     

Greater Self,Lesser Self: Dimensions of Self‐Interest in Chinese Filial Piety

While self‐interest is depreciated in Confucian ethics the processes of family relations in traditional China are animated by the self‐interested actions of family members. The paper outlines the Confucian ideology of filial piety which is commensurate with the governance of family life organized hierarchically and through the senior male's management of the joint‐family's collective property. The structure, operations and principles of membership in traditional Chinese families are indicated, highlighting the tensions within them between consanguinity and conjugality and their material bases. The differential operation of self‐interested actions by husbands and wives is also presented. A non‐Confucian model of the relational‐self is outlined in which both the collective context of Chinese families and the self‐interested actions of individual family members within them is explicated.     

Guilt and Shame in Chinese Culture: A Cross-cultural Framework from the Perspective of Morality and Identity

Olwen Bedford and Kwang-Kuo Hwang, Guilt and Shame in Chinese Culture: A Cross-cultural Framework from the Perspective of Morality and Identity, pp. 127–144.
This article formulates a cross-cultural framework for understanding guilt and shame based on a conceptualization of identity and morality in Western and Confucian cultures. First, identity is examined in each culture, and then the relation between identity and morality illuminated. The role of guilt and shame in upholding the boundaries of identity and enforcing the constraints of morality is then discussed from the perspective of each culture. The developed framework is then applied the emotions of guilt and shame in Chinese culture drawing on previous field research. Implications for future research are discussed.     

儒家教育伦理思想及其当代启示

儒家教育伦理的基本体系是:成德教育是教育的精神前提,有教无类是教育的公平理念,全面发展是教育的目标导向,为人师表是教育的师德要求。儒家教育伦理的当代启示包括:借鉴成德教育的合理因素,回归"人的发展"的教育价值;借鉴有教无类的合理因素,推进教育公平;借鉴为人师表的师德要求,提升教师道德水平。     

尊尊之义：从丧服制度看中国传统政治伦理的情感原则

本文通过追溯当下政府行为特点背后的思想渊源，展开对中国传统政治秩序内在精神的理论探索。研究发现，中国传统政治秩序的构建在起源处就与基于家户财产的家父长制支配不同， 强调基于人性中的尊尊之义来构建从父到君的政治伦理。 以君臣上下为主的传统政治秩序的内在精神主要是尊尊之义与道义原则，这两个维度以人的仁义之性为基础，调整着政治秩序中君臣关系的具体样态，并以礼制的形式塑造出一套关系伦理，型塑着中国人的心智结构。这一关系伦理虽然在历史与现实中难以完全实现，但仍然对政治秩序有着根本性影响。     

The Relevance of Ontological Commitments in Social Sciences: Realist and Pragmatist Viewpoints

The article discusses the relevance of ontology, the metaphysical study of being, in social sciences through a comparison of three distinct outlooks: Roy Bhaskar's version of critical realism, a pragmatic realist approach the most renowned representatives of which are Rom Harré and Hilary Putnam, and the authors' own synthesis of the pragmatist John Dewey's and the neopragmatist Richard Rorty's ideas, here called methodological relationalism. The Bhaskarian critical realism is committed to the heavy ontological furniture of metaphysical transcendentalism, resting on essentialist presumptions of causality and social structures, tacitly creating a dualism between individuals and society. Pragmatic realists, for their part, carry much lighter metaphysical baggage than critical realists and, much in a pragmatist vein, accept the idea that social scientists should study society by studying social life—the interwoven activities of individuals. Nevertheless, pragmatic realists only reluctantly, if at all, renounce the subject–object dualism and its ontological implications. Drawing on the ideas of Donald Davidson and Richard Rorty, the writers outline their own antirepresentationalist, antiessentialist approach to social sciences. The proposed methodological relationalism is a pragmatist approach of Deweyan origin. Based on a Darwinian understanding of human beings as organisms trying to cope with their environment, it emphasises the insight that one can neither step outside one's own action, nor withdraw from the actor's point of view, just as one cannot cognitively step outside language.     

Relationalism through Social Robotics

Social robotics is a rapidly developing industry‐oriented area of research, intent on making robots in social roles commonplace in the near future. This has led to rising interest in the dynamics as well as ethics of human‐robot relationships, described here as a nascent relational turn. A contrast is drawn with the 1990s’ paradigm shift associated with relational‐self themes in social psychology. Constructions of the human‐robot relationship reproduce the “I‐You‐Me” dominant model of theorising about the self with biases that (as in social constructionism) consistently accentuate externalist or “interactionist” standpoints as opposed to internalist or “individualistic”. Perspectives classifiable as “ecological relationalism” may compensate for limitations of interactionist‐individualistic dimension. Implications for theorising subjectivity are considered.     

“兼爱”与“功利”下的家庭伦理何以存在——墨子家庭伦理思想的悖论式建构

从墨子思想的整体看,“兼爱”、“功利”的主张与家庭伦理之间确乎存在诸多差异,致使其被孟子直接斥为“无父”。但实际上,墨子吸收了儒家“父慈子孝、兄友弟悌”的人伦思想,并且自觉或不自觉地沿袭了儒家“家国同构”的路子。同时,墨子把“兼爱”、“功利”作为家庭伦理的思想基础,力图消解二者之间的矛盾并使之相融合,从而完成了墨家家庭伦理思想的悖论式建构。这就为古代家庭伦理思想增添了新的内容,成为中国家庭伦理思想史上颇具特色的篇章。     

中华民族传统美德的儒学渊源

儒学作为中国古代社会长期占统治地位的文化,对中华民族传统美德的形成起了巨大作用。儒学重视的诚、仁、忠、信、义与孝、慈、恕、惠、中、和、宽、恭及廉、勤、俭等德目或伦理思想,是传统美德产生与形成的主要文化根源。     

中国人的信仰认同模式以儒教信仰为中心

英语中的“宗教”,就西方基督教而言,是一种制度宗教;汉语中的“宗教”,则不一定指称宗教制度。中国儒教当然不等同于西方语义中的制度宗教,但无疑是一种具有宗教特征的信仰结构。杨庆堃所谓“扩散宗教”的概念,与本文讨论的中国“信仰”,及其在权力秩序和制度宗教之外那种私人、扩散式的信仰认同模式非常相似。为此,本文把儒教的信仰认同模式作为个人信仰与他人信仰、儒教信徒与其他社会成员的互动结果,并以信仰“认同”作为儒教的行动单位,同时亦作为一种分析工具,经由对儒教信仰认同规则的考察,讨论儒教信仰及其信仰群体的建构逻辑,进而分析儒教信仰经纬中中国社会的模式及其演变路径。     

“祭祀不祈”与“内尽己心”:以祭礼中的“鬼神”为例论儒家思想的“理性主义”

本文以儒家典籍中的“鬼神”为研究对象，借此对儒家思想的“理性主义”特征进行讨论。儒家思想对鬼神的理解，继承了巫术时代鬼神能影响现实之认识，又为其赋予了新的内涵。新的内涵以“形气论”为认识基础，一方面将鬼神世界与人间世界视作同质且可以互相沟通，极力强调鬼神尤其是“人鬼”与祭祀者之间固有的“父子”关系的重要性，形成了以“报本反始”为核心意义，以“格神”“敬飨”为直接目的的祭祀之礼；另一方面，儒家强调，“格神”的最关键条件是主祭者“事死如事生”的“诚敬之心”，而这一诚敬之心源自于“孝”的情感。     

修身、成圣与革命：五四时期道德主义者的激进化

五四运动后“救亡”与“启蒙”、“政治”与“文化”的交织与竞逐是我们理解中国近代史的一条线索。既有研究多将恽代英呈现为一个具有道德主义色彩和儒家伦理底蕴的五四知识分子，然而顺着这一思路，我们却难以理解他为何从温和的道德结社转向革命。本文认为，恽代英精神世界中的心学底色，以及他对青年会社会服务经验的借鉴，使他形成了与共产主义者相通的道德认知；道德结社的困境则促使他走向政党运动，以群众运动实践自己的道德理想。恽代英的早期经历为我们呈现了过渡时代具有儒学底蕴的知识分子面对现代政治秩序时的道德困惑，这有助于我们理解中国共产主义革命对德性的强调以及儒家中国的现代转化。     

涩泽荣一《论语与算盘》的儒商之道及其启示

涩泽荣一在实业思想上,把来自中国的儒家精神与效仿欧美的经济伦理融为一体,奠定了日本企业经营思想的基础.他的<论语与算盘>,系统总结了自己的成功经验,被称为"商业圣经":既讲精打细算赚钱之术,也讲儒家的经营理念和儒商的处世之道,包括:"士魂商才"的经营原则,"义利合一"的求财之道,"信为根干"的企业精神,"其争也君子"的善意竞争意识,"回馈社会"的道德义务.     

稻盛和夫经营哲学与儒家伦理道德

稻盛和夫汲取人类历史优秀文化遗产 ,其中包括对儒家伦理道德进行改造、创新形成其经营哲学。“天人合一”是儒家哲学的基本命题 ,稻盛也把天赋予意志 ,奉行“敬天爱人” ;“心性论”是儒家伦理的核心 ,稻盛经营企业“以心为本” ,对员工实行“大家族”式的亲情管理 ;先义后利 ,重义轻利是儒家的义利观 ,稻盛一反无商不奸 ,坚持“利他主义”的经营理念 ;品行修养是儒家的立身之本 ,稻盛按照“每天自我反省”等“六个精进”的修身内容 ,磨砺人格。稻盛的经营哲学 ,贯穿着儒家伦理道德观     

江户时期儒学家浅见絅斋《养子辩证》之探析

浅见纲斋在《养子辩证》的主要阐明了父子、兄弟之伦理不可乱，故而不可以异族之子为自己的养子。如果随意交换应有的位置，是很荒谬的，所以著书说明。《养子辩证》中某些观点虽然不免偏颇，但是通过浅见纲斋在《养子辩证》中引用中国历史上大量的事例来看，他一丝不苟、引经据典、博览我国儒家群书，不愧为日本江户时代著名的儒学家和哲学家。