FRAMING THE ABORTION DEBARTE: Organizational Resources, Media Strategies, and Movement-Countermovement Dynamics

This study examines how ideologically opposed social movement organizations, the National Organization for Women (NOW) and Concerned Women for America (CWA), get media coverage during critical moments of the abortion debate. I analyze how organizational structure and identitate or constrain a social movement organization's ability to get mainstream media coverage. Specifically, I use the social movement framing literature to analyze how the organizations strategically construct media frames and packages in response to opposition, the tactics they use to get media coverage, and the relative success of each organization's efforts in mass media outlets. The analysis suggests that an organization's media strategy matters, but that organizational structure and organizational identity color these strategies.
One of the best ways to develop press relations is to know how a particular newspaper or broadcast station operates. Make friends with reporters or newscasters who are sympathetic to the issues. They can be strong allies. Remember, publicity means "information with news value" issued as a means of gaining public attention. recognition, understanding or support for a person, an organization, an institution or a cause.
National Organization for Women Records (Schlesinger Library, Radcliffe Institute at Harvard University)
Conservative groups did not understand media or its importance then [ten years ago] as much as they do now. [Now they understand that] media is the name of the game and whoever frames the issue wins the argument. Communications Director for Concerned Women for America     

Gender relations, "Hindu" nationalism,and NGO responses in India

This article explores the strategies employed by nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) to challenge the right wing nationalism that dominates Indian politics. The opposition of the NGOs to the current political climate has evolved a variety of strategies, depending on their links with northern NGOs or international organizations such as the UN, and their reliance on foreign funding. The organizations that have links with international NGO community primarily express their opposition through consciousness raising and networking strategies. Because NGOs activities at the national level have the potential to attract the attention and anger of nationalist actors, many choose to operate at local level for fear of harassment. Some get involved in initiatives such as direct-action campaigns which spring up when violence breaks out in a locality, or immediately afterwards. Another strategy being set up by NGOs is cooperative and cross-community initiatives to encourage as well as build on historic relationships of socioeconomic and political interdependence between Hindus and Muslims. These strategies seek to strengthen people's awareness of the distinction between personal spiritual beliefs, the true character of India's composite culture, and of the religious rhetoric being disseminated by nationalist for the purpose of securing political power. Although much effort has been exerted by these organizations, these strategies have limitations, which are discussed in this paper.     

How the Right Usurped the Queer Agenda: Frame Co‐optation in Political Discourse

This article draws on a case study of lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) and queer politics in Vermont to explain the conditions under which radical discourse gains and loses a public voice. In contrast to claims that the marginalization of queer discourse is due to silencing by LGBT rights activists or to litigation strategies, we argue that variation in queer discourse over time is the result of the co‐optation of queer discourse and goals by opponents. Extending the social movement literature on frame variation, we argue that opponents co‐opt discourse when they adopt aspects of the content of a movement's discourse, while subverting its intent. We show that conservative LGBT rights opponents co‐opted queer discourse. As a result, queer positions lost their viability as the discursive field in which those arguments were made was fundamentally altered. Because queer positions became less tenable, we see the withdrawal of queer discourse from the mainstream and alternative LGBT media. Our work both supports and builds on research on frame variation by demonstrating how discourse can change over time in response to the interplay between changing aspects of the political and cultural landscape and the discourse of opponents.     

From Game Protection to Wildlife Management: Frame Shifts,Organizational Development,and Field Practices

One enduring question in social movements research is the relationship between cultural representations and organizational structure. In this article, we examine the development of different discursive frames over time, and how such frame shifts affect movement structure and practices. This approach seeks to illuminate the dialectical interplay between the movement community's discursive frame and its practices, and thus expand our understanding of the process of social movement growth and change. Through a close qualitative and historical analysis of a discursive shift within the hunting community of the United States in the 1930s from a focus strictly on game protection to a more expanded discursive frame of wildlife management, we show how this cultural shift led to major changes in both the organizational structure and advocacy goals of this social movement. We conclude with a discussion of how this process can be further studied.     

Adjudicating Frame Shifts and Frame Disputes in the New Millennial University: The Role of the Dean

This paper argues that sociological theory provides a sound basis for analyzing the social organization and reorganization of the college or university and for guiding the activities of the college dean. Frame analysis theory, developed in the study of social movements, and the attendant concepts of frame shifts and frame disputes, are drawn on to facilitate understanding of the organizational change being experienced by many comprehensive universities today. Various university constituencies proffer sometimes competing frames that can be characterized as “old school” vs. “new school” or “theoretical” vs. “practical,” yet collective and at least moderately harmonious action is required to attend to the tasks at hand. More specifically, the processes of frame alignment detailing the way that the frames held by various individuals and groups link to larger frames, offer a valuable theoretical tool for a dean. The dean’s task is one of adjudicating frame disputes within the college, navigating frame shifts in the university and reframing the concerns of the college to both internal and external audiences. The author concludes that the use of frame analysis demonstrates that sociological theory can be a vital contributor to the leadership of colleges and universities and to leaders’ understanding of the changes occurring therein.     

The Racial Dialectic: President Barack Obama and the White Racial Frame

This paper introduces the concept of the ??racial dialectic?? to describe the ways racial dialogues and policies have transformed in the wake of Barack Obama??s historic election to the presidency of the United States of America. Using public statements and behaviors from elected officials, pundits, and Obama himself as case study data, we examine the tension between what we term the hard racial frame, the soft racial frame, and the racial counterframe in the public discourses. We conclude that these competing frames produce a dialectic that has transformed the way racial issues are discussed and interpreted in the wake of Obama??s election.     

“STREETVILLE FOREVER”: ETHNICITY,COLLECTIVE ACTION,AND THE STATE

Contemporary state policies in European and American societies mark a shift from older forms of governance focussed on the centrally concentrated state toward strategies that aim to limit governmental intervention by getting people to govern themselves. This means that individuals and communities are charged with carrying out roles and functions that were traditionally performed by the state. In this article I examine the conditions in which local people in an urban neighbourhood in the United Kingdom who were the objects of this new mode of governance came to negotiate and resist its policies and structures. Residents and community workers came together in opposition to the local Council to make demands that they considered to be of interest to the members of their neighbourhood across ethnic, racial, gender, and class boundaries. In so doing they crafted a multiracial neighbourhood identity that was more inclusive than the categories deployed by the state. This examination of collective initiatives that resist and challenge the state's strategies for local governance illuminates some of the complexities, contradictions, and limits of the contemporary state.     

Variations from the Therapeutic Frame

This article provides a commentary and discussion of alterations in the therapeutic frame in a paper by Paula Shatsky.     

FRACTURED RESISTANCES:

This article analyzes the arguments of two of the central positions in the debate over assimilationism in the gay and lesbian community as a means of exploring the meaning of resistance, opposition, struggle, and agency within the context of a dominant and generative field of power. Instead of debating which position is better or most effective, or which involves "true resistance," we use Foucault's formulations to suggest that each represents but one among a multiplicity of strategies, all existing simultaneously in a field of power. Because this field is composed of a plurality of dissonant, multi-layered, multidimensional relations of power, we argue that no single form of resistance can be identified and uniquely practiced. Instead, each struggle contributes its own partial modification to the overall transformation of the field of power, and simultaneously highlights the inconsistencies faced by agents who attempt to present a coherent identity in opposition to structures of domination.     

Constructing Threat and Appropriating “Civil Rights”: Rhetorical Strategies of Gun Rights and English Only Leaders

Using a grounded theory method, we analyze the framing strategies of organizational leaders of the gun rights and English Only movements. Although we find greater variability in the framing strategies of English Only leaders, leaders of both movements mobilize fear by rhetorically constructing moral threats to American society in ways that draw on, and uphold, the ideals and practices of dominant social groups. In doing so, they appeal to their constituents' status anxieties. We also find that these movements engage in a particular form of frame transformation that we call “frame appropriation” to counter opponents' claims and broaden their support. Future research should examine when and how, and to what effect, other social movements similarly mobilize fear and engage in frame appropriation.     

The Process of Cognitive Liberation: Cultural Synapses,Links, and Frame Contradictions in the U.S.-Central America Peace Movement*

Based upon qualitative interviews with thirty-two Central American peace activists, this article elaborates the process of “cognitive liberation” through the application of frame analysis. In addition, I seek to explain the diffusion of this social-psychological state from Central to North America. Attention is given to the role of the church as a common cultural link that functioned as a micro-mobilizing context, which provided missionaries who served as “meso-mobilizing actors.” The term frame contradictions is introduced to specify the condition in which irreconcilable differences between a movement's frame and its opponent's frame are exposed, thereby facilitating frame adoption. I conclude that some type of cultural link is necessary for the development of a common frame that can integrate groups cross-nationally and that can provide agents of mobilization to serve as a synapse through which frames can be transmitted from one country to another.     

Young Adults' Attitudes Toward Polygamous Marriage as a Function of Gender,Attitudes Toward Same-Sex Marriage,and Other Sociopersonality Constructs

U.S. citizens are overwhelmingly opposed to the legalization of polygamous marriage, but specific reasons for this opposition remain unclear. In this study we examined young adults' (n = 814) attitudes toward polygamous marriage as a function of myriad variables. Particular attention was given to the presumed association between attitudes toward same-sex marriage and polygamous marriage. Results indicated that, overall, young adults' attitudes toward polygamous marriage were neutral. Also, attitudes toward same-sex marriage significantly correlated with attitudes toward polygamous marriage. However, not all pro–same-sex marriage participants were pro-polygamous marriage. Moreover, opposition to same-sex marriage, (female) gender, higher levels of authoritarianism, and endorsement of traditional family values conjointly and individually predicted opposition to polygamous marriage. Implications of the findings are discussed, particularly in the context of U.S. discourse over the legalization of same-sex marriage.     

Should We Stay or Should We Go? Local and National Factionalism in the National Organization for Women

While the National Organization for Women (NOW) has endured over time, it has faced significant internal factionalism. In this article, I ask why some of these factions resulted in schisms, while other factions persisted in NOW over time. This is a critical question for understanding how organizational location and factional collective identities combine to produce different outcomes when internal conflict breaks out. My analysis of interview, archival, and secondary data indicates that organizational location influences factions’ independent collective identities, shaping what they want and their perceptions of opportunities to change their organization. Compared to national level factions, local factions also lack the ability to use NOW’s hierarchical structure to their advantage in their effort to stay. This sheds lights on the distinct patterns of factionalism and schism in formalized groups.     

Nonresponse Bias in a Dual Frame Sample of Cell and Landline Numbers

We conducted a dual frame survey of landline and cell phonenumbers in 2004 to evaluate the feasibility of including cellphone numbers in random digit dial telephone surveys in theUnited States. By sampling cell phone numbers, the coveragebias associated with households that have only cell phones iseliminated. However, we discovered two major sources of nonresponsebias in the dual frame sample. In an attempt to reduce thesebiases, we applied several different estimation schemes. Buta comparison to the 2004 Current Population Survey Cell PhoneSupplement showed that none of the estimation schemes substantiallyreduced the nonresponse bias of the estimates. We suggest othermethods that might be used in future surveys that include cellphones and discuss the need for additional data collection andresearch on this issue.     

Power, Politics, and the Framing of Environmental Illness

The medical community, along with other government agencies, has created its own frame of environmental illness. This frame has been generally accepted by the American public. In this paper we discuss framing in general and the factors related to how the environmental illness frame has been constructed and maintained. We offer a brief history of the medical institution and illustrate the frame with its definitions of environmental illness. Qualitative data from a study of Oak Ridge, a contaminated community located in Tennessee, are examined to analyze the consequences of challenging the environmental illness frame. Implications for future research are discussed.     

Has Opposition to Immigration Increased in the United States after the Economic Crisis? An Experimental Approach

We employ two population‐level experiments to accurately measure opposition to immigration before and after the economic crisis of 2008. Our design explicitly addresses social desirability bias, which is the tendency to give responses that are seen favorably by others and can lead to substantial underreporting of opposition to immigration. We find that overt opposition to immigration, expressed as support for a closed border, increases slightly after the crisis. However, once we account for social desirability bias, no significant increase remains. We conclude that the observed increase in anti‐immigration sentiment in the post‐crisis United States is attributable to greater expression of opposition rather than any underlying change in attitudes.     

Latinos/as and White Racial Frame: The Procrustean Bed of Assimilation

When North American slavery was established in the 1600s, an interpretive perspective was developed that sought to justify the institution of African American slavery. This composite perspective, a "white racial frame," was later extended by whites to other racial groups such as Latinos/as. This racial frame, which has become white "common sense," includes important racial stereotypes, understandings, images, and inclinations to act. Various forms of this racial framing exist among different U.S. racial groups, but a strong white racial frame has prevailed because whites have long had the power and the resources to impose this reality. A hegemonic situation occurs when people of color consent in various ways to this white racial framing and common sense. This acceptance varies. We discuss four forms of consent to white racial framing that appear in our in-depth interviews in a national sample of Latinos/as. Three forms reference Latinos: acceptance of elements of the racial frame, active enactment of the racial frame, and internalized violence. The fourth use of racial framing is directed by Latinos at African Americans.     

Losing Ann: Countertransference Aspects of Altering the Frame with a Long Term Patient Facing Atypical Dementia

This paper chronicles the journey of a long term, suicidally depressed patient’s struggle of growth and survival, only to be struck down by a form of Dementia: Lewy Body Disorder. Focus of the paper highlights the myriad complications and struggles that developed in the countertransference as therapist, patient, family, and medical caregivers, try to ascertain: What is psychological and regressive? What is neuro-degenerative? How can the therapist cope with this confusion while maintaining the frame? The paper highlights how the frame as we know it, is altered to meet the medical and psychological crisis presented and how that alteration impacts the treatment and the therapist’s changing perception of what the work is about.     

Evaluating the Effects of Screening for Telephone Service in Dual Frame RDD Surveys

The high costs and largely unknown error properties of cellulartelephone interviews make screening for cell-only adults a potentiallyattractive option in dual frame RDD surveys. Screening out adultswith landline telephones from the cellular sample does not affectthe coverage properties of a dual frame survey, but it may affectother sources of error, especially nonresponse. In this study,data from a 2006 dual frame RDD survey conducted for the PewResearch Center, the Associated Press, and AOL are used to evaluatethe effects of implementing a cell-only screener on both thebias and variance of weighted survey estimates. The effect ofscreening appears to be minimal so long as an adjustment fortelephone service is included in the weighting method. Resultsof an attempt to correct for residual nonresponse due to inaccessibilityare also discussed.