法国青年骚乱的动因、影响与警示

中国青年学术代表团在出访法国期间,法国学者谈了他们对骚乱的看法并提供了相关材料。我国学者进一步分析认为,虽然这里偶然事件引发的骚乱,但是具有深层次动因,并且对社会产生影响。从巴黎骚乱中总结教训,对社会主义现代化深入发展的我国具有重要的意义。警示之一,要关注城乡二元体制的隐患;警示之二,要高度关注新闻媒体与互联网在青年骚乱中的作用。     

移民骚乱：法国共和模式的失败？

2005年10月27日,法国巴黎东北郊克利希苏布瓦镇非洲裔移民聚居区的两名少年在躲避警察追赶时触电身亡,由此引发了一场街头暴力活动,并迅速席卷了法国各大城市市郊的贫民区。闹事青年焚烧汽车,破坏公共财产并袭击警察,其中大多数闹事者是阿拉伯裔和非洲裔法国人毒在这次骚乱中,约有3500辆汽车被焚烧, 超过800人被捕,其中大部分发生在失业率居高不下、移民密集的巴黎周边省份。因此有西方记者称“骚乱在某种程度上是贫困移民对政府多年积怨的爆发”。这场被法国媒体称作“法国自1968年以来最为严重的骚乱”,为何会在诞生了世界上第一个人权宣言的法兰西土地上愈演愈烈呢？这还得从法国的移民政策和西方自由主义二元悖论上进行解读。     

英国骚乱的背后是社会困局

一如英国《卫报》所言：骚乱是‘愤恨的爆发和多重失败的标志’。     

青年政策制定的科学性与有效性

青年政策制定的科学与否对青年政策执行的效果至关重要。在影响青年政策制定的科学性和有效性方面,青年政策的价值取向,青年政策的合理性,青年政策的稳定性,青年政策的开放性和协调性等显得尤为重要。     

世纪之交的欧洲青年和青年政策

世纪之交的欧洲青年和青年政策张帆编译一、欧洲议会历来的青年政策和当今欧洲青年面临的形势（一）欧洲议会历来的青年政策２０世纪末的欧洲，正在发生持续不断的变化，欧洲青年被召唤在欧洲建设过程中扮演重要的角色。欧洲议会（ｔｈｅＣｏｕｎｃｉｌｏｆＥｕｒｏｐｅ）...     

英国提升青年就业能力政策及启示

面对严峻的青年就业形势,国家主要采取需求管理的方式扩大就业。但从青年群体和国家的中长期发展与就业的持续性考虑,就业促进重心应转向提升青年持续就业能力。英国提升青年就业能力的系列政策实现了其就业促进由需求管理向供给面管理的战略转型,取得了较好的效果,其政策理念与思路、制度设计及具体实施经验值得我们借鉴。     

生病的“绅士之都”

30年未有过的“巨大伤疤”自8月6日开始，一场突发且凶猛、30年来未曾有过的大规模骚乱在英国首都伦敦爆发并迅速蔓延开来。3天内扩展到伯明翰、曼彻斯特、利物浦等多个城市。这场骚乱的导火索，是8月4日在伦敦北部的托特纳姆，一名29岁的黑人男性平民马克·达根（Mark Duggan）被伦敦警察厅的警务人员枪杀。     

在80年代历史事件背后——非洲、中东、拉美青年运动回顾

青年运动是指部分青年有组织、有意识地发起或反对社会秩序的变化。当传统机制无法满足社会年龄集团的合法要求,或当绝大多数人开始意识到他们共同的困境,并认为有某种方法可以缓解其问题时,代运动或青年运动就发生了,青年的个人需求、理想与现存社会、政治环境间存在的差距是青年骚乱的根源所在。     

戴安娜王妃性感照片的故事

戴安娜王妃性感照片的故事戴安娜王妃的这些照片在英国引起了轰动和严重诽谤，并在王室家族内部制造了一次骚乱。这些效果强烈的照片是被一部隐藏的照相机拍摄的。健身房里的戴安娜身着全套性感服装，出现在英国发行量高达２７０万份的《星期天明镜》上。它们立即引发了白...     

胡耀邦与“文化大革命”后拨乱反正时期的青年工作

胡耀邦同志在“文化大革命”后这个特殊的年代,对青年工作面临的基本问题,包括对“文化大革命”后青年的估价,青年工作拨乱反正的任务和基本方针,处理“文化大革命”遗留下来各种严重的青年问题的方针和政策,对当时的共青团组织怎样工作和团干部应有的精神状态与作风等,都有相关的系统论述。这是我党青年工作的一个典范。青年是社会变革中一支最敏感、最活跃也是很重要的力量,今天我们重温胡耀邦同志当时的指导思想,仍有着重要的现实意义。     

Reclaiming the everyday: the situational dynamics of the 2011 London Riots

This paper examines the situational dynamics of the 2011 London Riots. The empirical contribution is to challenge the dominant explanation of the riots as an outbreak of ‘criminal opportunism’. I use the Metropolitan Police record of all riot-related crimes in London to test several hypotheses and show that this ‘criminal opportunism’ theory cannot account for the riots’ spatial patterning. This opens space for alternative explanatory mechanisms. I then use video footage and testimonies of events on the ground to examine the interactions which made up the London Riots. These suggest that the riots were, in part, a way for people to stake a claim to the public spaces in which they lived, to reclaim the everyday. Theoretically, this builds on Randall Collins’s ‘micro-situational’ approach to violence but extends it by embedding historical and structural factors into that micro-perspective. Specifically, the emotional dynamics of these riot interactions cannot be understood without acknowledging participants’ pre-existing expectations of the police and of the everyday places of the riot.     

Radical/Critical Social Work with Young Offenders: Challenges and Possibilities

In the UK, particularly in England, youth crime is perceived as a serious social problem, which is always near the top of the political agenda. Since the early 1990s, ‘populist punitiveness’ (Bottoms, 1995), amounting to varying degrees of punishment and control, has been key for addressing the problem. This culminated in New Labour's flagship Crime and Disorder Act 1998 and thereafter increasing concern with anti-social behaviour. The Conservative-led coalition is continuing in this vein. It is a ‘get tough’ approach in which the role of social work has been sidelined. In this article, I argue that such an approach is counterproductive as evidenced by the riots of August 2011 in London and other major cities. Rather than notions of punishment and control being to the fore, attention should be paid to the social and economic conditions that shape young people's lives and behaviour. For social workers, this involves relationship building with young offenders and their families and this is where a radical/critical work practice comes in. It is an emancipatory practice, which resists the neoliberal present and has some vision of a more socially just and equal future world.     

Gangs as Alternative Transitional Structures

SUMMARY

This paper reports the results of a comparative study of youth gangs in minority communities in Los Angeles and London, England. A combined qualitative-quantitative research design was used to obtain information on the experiences, attitudes and behaviors of Black youth who were involved with or influenced by gangs.

Measures included two semi-structured interview schedules for focus groups and individual youth, respectively. Demographic data and statistics on social indicators were obtained for this population in both cities from government and social agency reports on rates of school drop-outs, youth unemployment, involvement in the juvenile/criminal justice system, and health/mental health utilization.

The sample included a total of 144 African-American youth, ages 15-30, in 17 focus groups and 32 for individual interviews in Los Angeles, and a total of 86 Afro-Caribbean youth, ages 15-24, in ten focus groups and 66 for individual interviews in London. Results suggest that gangs provide minority youth with an alternative transitional structure for achieving social and economic mobility.     

Does media coverage influence public attitudes towards welfare recipients? The impact of the 2011 English riots

Following the shooting of Mark Duggan by police on 4 August 2011, there were riots in many large cities in the UK. As the rioting was widely perceived to be perpetrated by the urban poor, links were quickly made with Britain's welfare policies. In this paper, we examine whether the riots, and the subsequent media coverage, influenced attitudes toward welfare recipients. Using the British Social Attitudes survey, we use multivariate difference‐in‐differences regression models to compare attitudes toward welfare recipients among those interviewed before (pre‐intervention: i.e. prior to 6 August) and after (post‐intervention: 10 August–10 September) the riots occurred (N = 3,311). We use variation in exposure to the media coverage to test theories of media persuasion in the context of attitudes toward welfare recipients. Before the riots, there were no significant differences between newspaper readers and non‐readers in their attitudes towards welfare recipients. However, after the riots, attitudes diverged. Newspaper readers became more likely than non‐readers to believe that those on welfare did not really deserve help, that the unemployed could find a job if they wanted to and that those on the dole were being dishonest in claiming benefits. Although the divergence was clearest between right‐leaning newspaper and non‐newspaper readers, we do not a find statistically significant difference between right‐ and left‐leaning newspapers. These results suggest that media coverage of the riots influenced attitudes towards welfare recipients; specifically, newspaper coverage of the riots increased the likelihood that readers of the print media expressed negative attitudes towards welfare recipients when compared with the rest of the population.     

The French republican model of integration: the theory of cohesion and the practice of exclusion

What are the explaining factors for the wave of riots in France in November 2005? In providing some answers, this article begins by examining the practical usefulness of the French republican model of integration for social cohesion, highlighting the way its negation of other criteria, such as ethnicity, race, or religion, limit this national conception of citizenship and emphasizing these excluded factors as one of the main causes of frustration and resentment among migrant groups in France.The author compares these riots to the student movements in spring 2006 and shows some similarities as well as important differences between the explaining structural factors of these two youth-based social upheavals. One of the contributing distinctions is the experience of ethnic and racial discrimination as an important source of deep resentment. The author avoids reducing the riots simply to a clash between ethnic groups with specific ethnic interests or a class revolt. Instead, he stresses the relationship between specific social structural factors and spatial effects as the element that created the context for the riots by transforming inequalities into visible and indefensible discrimination. Several factors show that spatial aspects (in the form of segregation) are important alongside the ethnic/racial ones in explaining the riots.     

Youth studies,citizenship and transitions: towards a new research agenda

A key goal in youth studies is to gain holistic understandings of what it means to be young. However, a significant impediment to achieving this has been the tendency of youth studies to develop along siloed and stratified subfields. In keeping with the goal of creating more productive dialogue between subfields in youth studies, this paper examines the intersections between research in youth citizenship and youth transitions to consider the fresh insights and cross fertilisations that such an analysis may yield. This examination reveals a sense of dissatisfaction in both subfields with traditional normative and linear models of citizenship and transitions which rely on step-wise and sequential notions of time. In response, the paper advances a new research agenda which posits more temporally, spatially and relationally-sensitive understandings of youth citizenship and transition. Drawing on Ingold (2007. Lines: A brief history. London: Routledge), this agenda proposes the use of three alternative metaphors – genealogical, wayfaring and threads – which could hold the potential to unsettle the normativity and linearity of previous youth transitions and citizenship frameworks, and thus provide deeper insights into what it means to live and to be young citizens in times of transition.     

Reconsidering identity: the ethnic and political dimensions of hybridity among majority and Turkish youth in Germany and England1

Sociological research has hitherto largely focused on majority ² and minority ethnic identities or citizenship identities. However, the social connections between youth are not simply ethnic dynamics but also political dynamics involving citizenship categories. This article argues that in postmodern societies, it is important to reconsider the ways we think about youth identities. Drawing upon qualitative data from a study into the political identities of majority (German and British) youth and Turkish youth, educated in two Stuttgart and two London secondary schools, the research found that fifteen‐year‐olds had no singular identity but hybrid ethno‐national, ethno‐local and national‐European identities as a result of governmental policies, their schooling and community experience, social class positioning, ethnicity and migration history. In working‐class educational contexts, many majority and Turkish youth privileged the ethnic dimension of hybridity whereas majority and Turkish youth in the two middle‐class dominated schools emphasized the political dimension of hybridity. The article demonstrates that social class and schooling (e.g. ethos and peer cultures) have a considerable role to play in who can afford to take on the more hybridized cosmopolitan identities on offer.     

Symbolic violence and the Olympic Games: low-income youth,social legacy commitments,and urban exclusion in Olympic host cities

Drawing on a five-year qualitative study on the impacts of the Olympic Games on homeless and marginally housed youth in two host cities (Vancouver 2010 and London 2012), this paper explores the instances of ‘symbolic violence’ perpetuated by the institutional infrastructure associated with the Olympics. Following Pierre Bourdieu’s use of the term, symbolic violence refers to the manner in which the young people turned dominant notions of what the desirable Olympic city looks and feels like into a sense of their own non-belonging and/or inadequacy, experienced bodily and emotionally. Feeling pressured to vie for elusive Olympic jobs and volunteer positions, and to be less visible to the thousands of tourist-spectators for the Games, youth in both cities reported a defiant mix of frustrated indignation and resigned acceptance that they did not ‘fit’ the image of the global Olympic city that organizers were trying to convey. The paper argues that this social harm, difficult to measure yet real nonetheless, is an important though unintended legacy of the Olympic Games for homeless and marginally housed youth living in its shadows. The paper also calls for a more sustained engagement with Bourdieu’s concept of symbolic violence in youth studies as a discipline.     

Of Riots and Racism: Fifty Years Since the Best Laid Schemes of the Kerner Commission (1968–2018)

“What happened? Why did it happen? What can be done to prevent it from happening again and again?” Voiced less that one week after the July 1967 race riots in Detroit, Michigan, Lyndon B. Johnson spoke these words as he ordered the establishment of the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders. Seven months later, on March 1, 1968, the Commission's account—known as the Kerner Commission Report—was a scathing appraisal of riots and racism in the United States. While it included bold language about the linkage between rioting and racism, it is rife with paradoxical assumptions and findings. Moreover, the report's failure to define sociological concepts, coupled with a reliance on individualism and cognitive attitudes via psycho‐analytic and pop‐psychological conjecture, together beckon scholars to wrestle with how this state‐issued report reflected and reproduced dominant assumptions about the “race” concept, violence, and human nature. Employing a critical content analysis of the report, I ask: How does the Kerner Commission Report define and use the concept of “riots” and “racism,” and what are the logics employed in the production of that knowledge?     

Les émeutes urbaines de l’automne 2005 : cadres d’analyse et points aveugles de la sociologie française

Sociological interpretations of the suburban riots in France during the autumn of 2005 have been the subject of many a comment. This critique places the more original interpretations in the context of the unstated paradigms adopted by “understanding” authors, who have sought to provide a meaning to persons whose actions were supposedly deprived of it. There is a flagrant need for studies of how the crisis was globally managed with respect to local events - as if the persons involved in regulating the riots were not as worthy of study by sociology. Case studies are emerging to fill this need that have more awareness of the interactions between parties during these events.