Latin America as political science’s other

ABSTRACT

This article develops a decolonising critique of contemporary Latin American focused Political Science (LAPS) demonstrating the complicity of its politics of knowledge in the reproduction of the logic and rationalities of coloniality. These logics and rationalities are premised upon the dehumanisation of the raced and gendered other who is denied rationality, agency and political subjectivity. I demonstrate the monological and dehumanising epistemological consequences of this through deconstruction of the foundational myths and disciplinary boundaries of the discipline; the legitimate subject of the political; and the knowing-subject of political analysis that foreground contemporary LAPS. I end with a question and a challenge: how might we learn to create a political science otherwise?     

Business as usual? Mapping outsourcing practices in Schengen visa processing

The silent spread of outsourcing in the processing of visa applications is a much under-researched phenomenon. Drawing on quantitative and qualitative data throughout the 2011–2015 period, this research offers empirical evidence of the oligopolistic structure of the Schengen visa processing market, exposing that European Union Member States rely extensively on non-EU transnational corporations. External service providers do not intervene in the qualitative assessment of the applicant, yet they dominate all the remaining stages of the visa process, thus affecting temporary migration. This study overcomes the facilitators-gatekeepers divide and contributes to a better understanding of the complex role visa processing companies play in the transnational network governance of migration.     

WHO's MIND,whose future? Mental health projects as colonial logics

This paper examines the Mental Health Improvements for Nations Development of the World Health Organization (WHO), or what it refers to as its MIND project, as it produces versions of human and human suffering. Arising at approximately the same time as decolonization began to occur, the WHO can be read as reflective of colonial history as well as a colonizing force in postcolonial times. Through an analysis of the WHO's publicly available material, we shall show how the MIND project is not only a product of, but also helps to produce the power of coloniality. In the WHO MIND project, professional disability knowledge is used to identify an emergent mental health crisis in need of Western medical intervention. Guided by Fanon's call to notice how assistance makes a subject ‘thoroughly fit into a social environment of the colonial type,’ we examine the role of disability knowledge in the production of people ‘fit’ to survive in environments that reproduce coloniality. We show how the WHO MIND project can be read so as to reveal the restrictive and exclusive versions of the human that have arisen from the colonial past as our way to attempt to disrupt the developmental trajectory of the coloniality of the present.     

Breaking borders,changing structures – transnationalism of migrants from Poland as anti-state resistance

ABSTRACT

Among the many meanings of transnationalism(s), the political significance of transnational action from the perspective of individual migrants does not always gain enough attention. It is usually framed as a way transnational migration processes affect the state, how social movements formed in the diaspora compete for the stake in the home country or how a particular state manages its diaspora through various policy means. This article will call for a more actor-centred approach in which individuals’ choices and strategic decisions have an anti-state frame of reference dominating their individualised agendas and norms of behaviour. These are not overtly political, thus falling outside a typical political science lens, but follow what James Scott refers to as ‘small scale resistance’ or ‘weapons of the weak’ of structurally subordinate groups. In the case of Polish migrants I discuss, this follows a long-lasting tradition of contestation of the state normative and institutional structures, its surveillance, migration regimes and ways in which institutions aim to control human actions. With the advent of increased mobility within the European Union due to EU integration processes and the subsequent volume of these flows, these types of behaviour and cultural attitudes gain particular prominence offering a variety of means and opportunities to manoeuver between structural constraints, contesting them and at times even changing them to individual advantage. I argue that these culturally and structurally mutually reinforcing features of anti-state culture make migrants from Poland a particular type of agents in the European web of transnational social fields.     

Beauty as violence: ‘beautiful’ hair and the cultural violence of identity erasure

Curious observations of hair and hairstyles worn by many women of Black African descent reveal the triumph of a Eurocentric dominant ideology of beauty. I assert in this study that the process of attaining the hegemonic ideology of ‘beautiful’ hair, often defined as a European and Asian texture and style of hair, is a violent journey. This study draws largely from Johan Galtung's seminal theoretical works on violence, particularly his articulation of cultural violence as a creation of ideology through psychological process of indoctrination and brainwashing, and the internalization of this process. From this theoretical framing, and a demythologization of the multiplicity and flexibility narrative of postmodern self and identity, this study examines the attitudes of young Black South African women toward their natural hair and their perception of ‘beautiful’ hair. Through a survey of 159 Black female students in a rural South African university with a predominantly Black student population, and face-to-face conversations with five female students, the study asserts that many Black African women's relationship with their hair is shaped by violence. The physical and cultural violence perpetuated in the quest for ‘beautiful’ hair is consequently creating a generational cycle of identity erasure.     

Cross-border mobility,transnationality and ethnicity as resources: european Somalis’ post-migration mobility practices

Based on a qualitative study, this article explores post-migration mobility practices developed by Somali women and men who have settled in Europe. It focuses on the ‘politics of mobility’, considering cross-border mobility an unequally distributed resource through which people access different forms of capital, and thus an element of social differentiation. The article reveals that respondents invest resources in places other than those where they acquired them, benefiting from a favourable symbolic exchange rate between the different places. Furthermore, while a significant part of the economic, social and cultural capital of these migrants is acquired within ethnically diversified contexts, it is mostly reinvested in networks and places where their Somali ethnicity becomes an asset—either in ethnically homogeneous networks or in activities that address Somali people's needs. Cross-border mobility, transnationality and ethnicity become core resources that enable these migrants to mobilise their capital where it can be valued most highly and to access advantageous social positions, thus fostering upward social mobility. The article argues that these strategies are less the result of an identity-based ethnic preference than a compensatory mechanism implemented by people who have few prospects of having their assets valued within the wider networks in their country of residence.     

Racism as a threshold concept: examining learning in a ‘diversity requirement’ course

This article frames racism as a threshold concept and, using qualitative data from written coursework, examines student learning of that concept in a racially diverse college course. The data suggest scaffolding learning and using real-world applications correlate to student mastery of the threshold concept of racism. Findings also suggest that students of color, those who assessed their understandings of issues of race and racism on the first day of class as mixed (rather than expert or weak), those who took the course primarily due to interest, and upperclassmen moved more quickly toward advanced understandings of racism. Qualitative data illustrate that the ways in which the threshold concept was troublesome and transformative varies for students, particularly by race. This study answers the call for more research on the pedagogy of racism as related to the learning experiences of students of color, especially in diverse classrooms.     

‘King's inheritors': understanding the ethnic discourse on the Rajbanshi as an indigenous community

The rise of ethnic struggles in various parts of the world, particularly in the post-colonial period, is an intriguing phenomenon. Having the consciousness of primordial origins, indigenous communities have pursued ethnic mobilizations along different lines in order to achieve the goals of social and economic uplift. This paper focuses on the Rajbanshi, one such community living in northeast India, as they offer an opportunity to study history and ethnic identity formation as the dynamics behind their current situation. From the standpoint of applied anthropology, processes of social change and activism intended to improve the lot of Rajbanshi communities are evaluated. Given their obscure origins, cultural diversity and divided political struggle, the Rajbanshi are far from achieving their goal of pursuing better lives. Strategies of Sanskritization and ‘sons-of-the-soil’ indigeneity have not reaped the desired results in terms of social and economic development. Furthermore, discourses rooted in immigrant-aboriginal binaries and theoretical dichotomies of primordialism–constructivism fail to make sense of this community's experience and are not helpful in guiding them toward meaningful and fruitful political and social change.     

Suspect community or suspect category? The impact of counter-terrorism as ‘policed multiculturalism’

How to think about the impact of counter-terrorism and counter-radicalisation on ethnic and religious accommodation? Much of the literature draws on the concept of ‘suspect community’, suggesting it has primarily alienated the Muslim community, favouring an assimilationist model of ‘muscular liberalism’. In this article, while I consider the merits of the ‘suspect community’ hypothesis, I argue that it only partially accounts for the effects of counter-terrorism and counter-radicalisation on multicultural societies. I contend that much of the literature has focused too narrowly on the discriminatory effects of counter-terrorist policies and has been unable to grasp the more insidious political effects of counter-terrorism policies based on the active participation and involvement of Muslims in their own policing. The main hypothesis of this paper is that rather than promoting ‘assimilation’, as the government would expect, or alienation, as the advocates of the ‘suspect community’ hypothesis would contend, counter-terrorist policies produce and reinforce a government of society in discrete and divided ethno-religious groups. Such ‘policed multiculturalism’—understood as the recognition and the management of diversity through a security perspective—has an important consequence in that it removes fundamental questions about pluralism from political debate, casting them instead in a depoliticised language of security.     

One of us? Reaction formation and inclusion as a strategy in the ethnic state

Many states question how to manage burgeoning migration. This is particularly problematic for ethnic states whose foundation myths imagine the state as the home for the nation. In this paper, we argue that ethnic states engage a type of defense mechanism, ‘reaction formation’, as part of migration policy to distract attention from threats to the claimed ethnic homogeneity that undergirds the reason for the state's existence. Using Israel as a case of a planned ethnic state, we show how a state develops a spectrum of membership models to incorporate ‘others’ into the nation-state. We suggest that Israel could conceivably devise some arrangement to incorporate the several hundred thousand labor migrants currently resident there. We argue that the state is reluctant to recognize these migrants as ‘Israeli’ because to do so would reveal a hidden truth: Israel may be becoming more Israeli than Jewish and, thus, the recognition of labor migrants and their children provokes questions about Israel's very reason for existence, that is, being a Jewish state.     

The ‘nuclear family paradigm’ as a marker of rights and belonging in transnational families

This article examines the legal regulation of transnational families in the context of family reunion. In defining the legal categories of ‘family’ and ‘child’ the law bases its understanding of the family and family life on the image of the nuclear family, which is perceived as a fundamental and natural unit of society. This understanding of the family, the ‘nuclear family paradigm’, has important implications for transnational belonging. This article focuses on these implications in the context of family reunification. In the case of a married minor child, the ‘nuclear paradigm’ is used to legitimate a line of legal reasoning that takes into account neither human rights norms nor the social reality of relatedness. Yet in certain other cases of family reunion, namely in the case of (suspected) marriages of convenience, the social reality of the relationship is a decisive factor determining the right to family reunion. The argument presented in this article is that through the ‘nuclear family paradigm’, the conceptual framework of private law concerning recognition is smuggled into public law and treated as universal while at the same time the legal reasoning on family reunion remains quite capable of examining de facto family life in order to refuse the rights that would otherwise follow from recognition of a marriage.     

Group portraits with national heroes: the pantheon as an historical genre in nineteenth‐century Belgium

After the Revolution of 1830, the new Belgian nation‐state was in a patriotic mood. It celebrated its national glory in pantheons: imaginary temples in which the heroes from the national past were represented and accumulated. These pantheons were almost omnipresent in the public spaces of the kingdom. They familiarised the Belgians with their heroic ‘forefathers’ and with their legacy. The meaning and message of the pantheons were easily accessible. The sculpted, painted and written specimens of the genre could adopt various forms and composed according to different schemes. By the end of the nineteenth century, the pantheon had lost its prestige. Only within the framework of the debate on the ‘layered’ Belgian nationality, did a certain revival occur. As an expression of the historical culture, it had become marginal.     

‘Knowing what it means to be Irish’: experience as practice in the advertising industry

This article derives from sociological research examining practitioners in the Irish advertising industry. Drawing from interviews with workers in this field, I examine how Irish advertising practitioners have co-opted the ‘idiom of identity’, enabling them to speak with greater confidence and in more emotionally compelling ways about advertising audiences, to humanize business strategy and to operationalize personal biographical experience in production. This article focuses on the ways Irish advertising practitioners describe their work and their understandings of Irishness in the context of a globalized Ireland and draws attention to what I describe as a ‘discursive affinity’ between cultural identity and professional acumen in the accounts of these workers. In concentrating on their valorizing of innate ‘knowing’, and drawing especially on the work of Foucault, this article attempts to explain why Irish advertising practitioners regard their own life experience as practice.     

Workers by any other name: comparing co-ethnics and ‘interns’ as labour migrants to Japan

In the field of comparative immigration politics, Japan has been described as a ‘negative case’: despite structural shortages in the domestic labour supply, scholars have commonly pointed to the nation’s extremely restrictive, ethno-nationalist policies as an antithetical case against which traditional migration states can be compared. Applying an approach focused on the viewpoint of the state, I argue that in response to market pressures, Japan simultaneously implemented two schemes: an ethnic return migration programme centred on the discourse of rekindling ancestral ties, and a de facto guest worker programme officially represented as an internship initiative to disseminate Japanese technical knowledge. The perceived failure of co-ethnic migrants to integrate themselves on Japanese terms led to the expansion of the latter programme. Juxtaposing the two, I examine the processes through which the Japanese state ‘learned’ and reacted to differing policy outcomes. In doing so, I argue that policy revisions since the early 2000s have signalled the birth of a Japanese ‘developmental migration state’, in which restrictive immigration policies that uphold a narrow view of a homogenous nation are repeatedly reoriented to accommodate economic and development goals.     

Do Muslims See Australia as Their Homeland? The Notion of watan al-asli and watan al-sukna in Islam

Abstract

The concept of “country” or homeland in Islam was defined by Muslim jurists in the eighth century in the light of the sacred text. They set three categories: watan al-asli, the country of birth, the country of one's spouse or the place of permanent residence; watan al-sukna, the country of temporary residence and employment; and watan al-safari, the country that is traveled to. Accordingly, for Muslims immigrating to Australia, their new country falls into one of these categories. Muslim contact with Australia stretches back centuries. However, although early Muslims arrived on Australian shores before Europeans, they did not settle. It was not until the late 1960s, when Muslims came in mass immigration, that permanent communities were established. Since then, particularly over the last two decades, Muslims have become gradually more visible. This increase in prominence has raised anxiety from some segments of the Australian community. There are groups who view Islam as an obstacle for integration. The loyalty of Muslims to Australia is being debated, discussed and questioned by some intellectuals, politicians, media and other Australians with little or no knowledge of the Islamic theological perspective of the “notion of country”. In this article, I will argue that the “notion of country”, a concept of which even the majority of Muslims are not aware, supports integration. This article will also explore the concept of “homeland” in Islamic theology and jurisprudence and discuss the findings of a survey on Muslims’ views about Australia as home.     

The ‘immunized integration’ of Religious-Zionists within Israeli society: the pre-military academy as an institutional model

The article examines the process of establishment of pre-military academies amongst Religious-Zionist society in Israel. The phenomenon is discussed as a transition from a model of a gated community to an ‘immunized’ community. Through institutionalization of psycho-social ideological preparation, the community leadership is trying to ensure that community members maintain their identity and loyalty when they integrate into general society. The article rests on analysis of the discourse of the community’s epistemic leadership – mainly rabbis and leaders of the settler movement. It contributes to the perception of the pre-military academies as institutions that are Religious-Zionist launching pads for senior positions in the IDF and pipelines for future leadership of Israeli society. At the same time, they are a means of ensuring that Religious-Zionists will integrate within Israel society, not through assimilation and dissolution, but rather with cultural and ideological commitment to their community of origin. The article also discusses the development of other similar ‘immunizing’ institutions that aim to facilitate integration of Religious-Zionists in spheres other than the military. These developments are presented as an attempt on the part of the community leadership to maintain its status and relevance, in view of the younger generation’s desire to break out of the gated community boundaries. Thus, these institutions might be viewed as more of a rearguard battle on the part of the leadership than as a behavior-guiding ethos among the younger generation.     

A community of paradigm subjects? Rights as corrective tools in culturally contested claims of recognition in Europe

This article analyses the role of rights in human rights jurisprudence dealing with recognition of identities and cultural diversity in Europe. Using examples of selected case law of the European Court of Human Rights, it discusses the understanding of rights and their impact on the notions of community and recognition. It critically evaluates the recourse to the notions of a closed, established community and the defence of the established status quo in culturally contested conflicts. It analyses claims articulated by those framed as standing outside the narrow confines of such a cultural community. By reference to critical perspectives, the article illustrates how rights operate with categories of paradigm and foreign subjects and regulate respective entitlements of these subjects to enjoy rights. It demonstrates how these categories impact upon the notion of a community and how the narrowing of its boundaries limits the possibilities of belonging of foreign subjects. The article argues that these categories embedded in rights regimes lead to a mutation of rights from tools of inclusion to tools of correction. In their corrective function rights rather than serving as tools of ensuring belonging are used for maintenance of established identities and cultural regimes of power. In the final section by reference to the latest judgments of the same Court expanding rather than narrowing the understanding of a community, the article examines whether rights can reach beyond these subjectivities and offer possibilities of renegotiating the established regimes of cultural power.