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1.
犹太人反法西斯委员会案是冷战时期苏联反犹政策的典型案例之一。当时苏联国内的许多反犹案件都与其有着密不可分的联系。新解密的苏联历史档案表明,在美苏冷战达到第一次高潮之际,苏联当局精心策划此案的目的不仅仅是要消灭苏联社会的犹太精英,而且把矛头直接指向了被视为"第五纵队"的整个苏联犹太民族。这一案件充分暴露了反犹主义传统在苏联社会的流毒之深,成为苏联犹太人后来大量移民国外的重要因素之一。  相似文献   

2.
Runa Das 《Social Identities》2017,23(2):195-211
My essay highlights how this (otherwise excellent) documentary film He Named Me Malala suffers from a historical amnesia in failing to connect the historical, local, and global/Western factors that have set the political-social context within which occurred the Malala incident in 2012. This is because the documentary – exposing the voice of a Pakistani female activist as a postcolonial/global agent – does not look into the historical-colonial, Cold War, or the post-Cold War dynamics that have set the ‘context’ within which the theme of the documentary unfolded. My essay addresses these issues of historical amnesia, arguing that to better comprehend the Malala incident (and broadly the issue of gender violence in Pakistan’s socio-cultural context) it remains imperative to connect how factors of power, politics, and vested interests have intersected at historical, local, and global levels to explain the 2012 Malala incident.  相似文献   

3.
This article delineates and critically juxtaposes the differential public commemorations of the Vietnam War and the Holocaust in the US. We elucidate how the tragedies of the Holocaust have been integrated into US public memory as a central part of the American story, solidifying the image of the United States as a powerful and moral nation that rescues desperate people from tyranny. In contrast, public commemorations of the highly divisive Vietnam War are sparse, if at all, in great part because they would re-ignite questions about the role of the US in Vietnam and in the suffering of its victims. While the Holocaust enables the United States to re-narrate national glory, the Vietnam War calls attention to US defeat and upsets the narrative of rescue and liberation. Through a critical juxtaposition of these two public memories, we assert that the moral and political divisiveness of the Vietnam War constitutes one unacknowledged source of the ascendancy and centrality of the Holocaust in American memory. Through our relational analysis of differential public memories, we draw on and contribute to the field of memory studies.  相似文献   

4.
This essay takes as its occasion a series of photographs on the Irish border region by Allan deSouza. The photographs are the motive for a set of interconnecting reflections on the conditions of violence and on its relation to state formation; on violence and the forms of history; and on the place of melancholy as a relation not only to the past, which inevitably it is, but as no less a kind of opening to a future. These concerns link three works by Walter Benjamin: ‘Critique of Violence’ (1920–21); The Origin of German Tragic Drama (1924–25); and the ‘Theses on the Philosophy of History’ (1940). The link runs between the insistence of violence in the historical foundations of the state; the function of historicism in enabling that disavowal through a rarely acknowledged mythic/symbolic aesthetic that is encrypted in it; and the counter-discourse of historical materialism that Benjamin holds in tension with melancholy. Ireland is a state marked by the virtual and the actual violence of partition. Subject to all the injunctions and institutions of modernity, to its emerging forms of state and policing as well as to its techniques and technologies of military reduction, Ireland remains a location in which the failure of projects of modernity is only too easily exemplified. Ireland's is a history in ruins, a history of ruins. Ruins are the signs of a history of incompletion and ‘ruination’ that is normally read by conventional historians as the fatality of a culture resistant to modernity and driven to return time and again to its own atavisms. Benjamin's insight is to read in ruins and in violence not merely the consequences of a past malevolently active in the present, but openings onto an alternative configuration to that suggested by historicism and modernity.  相似文献   

5.
Dating from the Reagan presidency's ‘crusade for freedom’, democracy promotion has been a central pillar of US foreign policy. Whether claims by George H.W. Bush that ‘beyond containment lies democracy’, or by George W. Bush that intervention into the Middle East promoted a ‘march to freedom in the Muslim world’, the importance of democracy to US foreign policy should not be underestimated. Far from promoting democracy, however, critics suggest that it is merely rhetorical cover for intervention and control, thus serving US rather than local interests. While not discarding these insights, this paper suggests that while democracy promotion may support US self-interests, so too does it uphold a US self-image by acting as an ideal around which Washington constructs its identity and worldview. Explored in relation to Latin America, it is argued that US democracy promotion – enabled by authoritarian representations of Venezuela – is central to both a US-authored Latin American identity and, in contrast, integral to challenging it. While Venezuela acts as the reverse image of freedom-loving United States and a democratically abiding Latin America, Caracas also challenges US democratic pre-eminence by extending the very notion of democracy and thereby demonstrates how both democracy and US influence more broadly are increasingly sites of contestation.  相似文献   

6.
If the current conflict in Thailand's far south could be interpreted as a revival and full retelling of the 1940s modernist Islamic awakening, why have local Muslim elites and various state agents in the historical present circumvented such a reawakening? Instead, what was broadcast was another history, namely a certain glorious Patani past that supposedly featured a harmonious relationship with Siam. My stipulation of the 1940s Islamic reawakening refers not only to what followed the awakening in Thailand's far south in the long twentieth century but, more broadly, to the meaning of that past in the politics of the twenty-first. This essay argues that the absence of any serious attempt to interpret the resurgence of violence and to account for incidents of unnecessary deaths remains an important barrier to an understanding between the government and ordinary Muslims in the far south.  相似文献   

7.
Under the current reign of neoliberalism, the US has entered a New Gilded Age, more savage and anti-democratic than its predecessor. The current form of market fundamentalism demands a new set of conceptual and analytical tools that engage neoliberalism not only through an economic optic but also as a mode of rationality, governmentality, and public pedagogy. The essay develops a biopolitics of neoliberalism, exploring how it uses market values as a template for realigning corporate power and the state, but also how it produces modes of consent vital to the construction of a neoliberal subject and a more ruthless politics of disposability. Within this new form of neoliberal rationality and biopolitics – a political system actively involved in the management of the politics of life and death – new modes of individual and collective suffering emerge around the modalities and intersection of race and class.  相似文献   

8.
This paper discusses the views and social character of the group of British Muslims, centred round the Woking Mosque in the period immediately following the First World War. It argues that this group had four distinctive characteristics. First, it formed its own cultural community, rather than joining a pre-existing ethnic community. Second, it espoused an orthodox but modernistic Islam, influenced by—while not sharing the distinctive doctrines of—the Lahore Ahmadiyya. Third, it faced a leadership problem. Other than Khwaja Kamal-ud-Din (who played a key role in the group's early days, and who was a leading member of the Lahore Ahmadiyya, but had been given a specific brief not to spread their distinctive doctrines), the group was in many ways thrown upon its own resources. Here, Marmaduke Pickthall—subsequently the author of The Meaning of the Glorious Quran—played a major role. But while he had good colloquial and subsequently classical Arabic, his knowledge of Islam was largely self-taught. A final problem here was posed by the fact that the group attracted some converts—including Lord Headley—who exercised considerable influence because of their social standing, but whose knowledge of Islam was limited.  相似文献   

9.
胡鸿 《民族研究》2007,(3):66-72
本文从草原政权是否有类似中国定居社会的正统观念这一问题出发,进而探索草原政权对于之前政治体的历史记忆问题.以匈奴为个案所作的分析,证明草原政权也有丰富的历史记忆,只是构建合法性所依赖的历史记忆与华夏文明非常不同.由此进一步对草原政权合法性建构的特殊模式做一点探索.  相似文献   

10.
文章对西藏自治区档案馆馆藏藏文历史档案的收集保管、整理编目、翻译研究、编辑出版和交流利用等工作的开展情况作了概要的回顾和介绍。同时指出因各种原因,藏文历史档案仍存在被人为割裂分散、抢救速度缓慢等问题。作为西藏文化和世界文化遗产的重要组成部分的藏文历史档案,其年代久远、数量庞大、内容丰富、信息多样和载体材料的特殊珍贵,其价值远非一个地区或一个国家所能局限。因此,文章认为藏文历史档案的保护和抢救,与全社会对人类文化事业的关心和支持息息相关,理应引起社会各方面足够的重视。  相似文献   

11.
随着国家权力的逐步深入,三岩社会在清末改土归流后最终成为国家直接统治下的地方。然而各种国家权力符号却遭遇到传统文化的制约,集中表现在寺庙——宗教、学校——教育以及始终纠缠着三岩人的人地矛盾等方面。本文通过分析进入国家的三岩社会身份认同体系的变迁过程,指出国家在打破传统的认同机制的同时,也给三岩社会提供了解决人地矛盾的新机遇。  相似文献   

12.
中国书法源远流长,各类书体异彩纷呈,形神兼备,是中国文化的重要构件之一。本文以书法艺术的人文主义价值取向为视点,认为,书法在传达美学信息的同时,也蕴含着极为丰富的人文主义内涵,书法在传统文化的滋养下,被赋予了一种责任,一种厚重的社会道德关怀,从而使得人文主义价值诉求成为中国书法的一种境界,一种特征。  相似文献   

13.
This ethnographic essay considers how international non-governmental organisations are able to make claims to authoritative knowledge about development work by offering the transnational mobilities of their staff members as evidence. I examine how one professional's biography—his trajectory from Angola to Britain and back again—was differentially presented to external donors and internal staff members as befitting the institutional needs of an international good governance intervention in Angola. These presentations reflect a commoditisation of the cosmopolitanism of professionals' histories in the service of development as a regime of mobility. I argue that, in this development regime, a global hierarchy prevents some individual professionals, particularly those from developing nations, from realising the same benefits of their cosmopolitan mobility as professionals from industrialised nations. While one of mobility studies' many strengths is that it highlights global interconnectedness, social scientists should not read equality in these interconnections but examine how patterns of transnational mobility may produce and reproduce global structures of inequality.  相似文献   

14.
ABSTRACT

During its first five years, the Affordable Care Act (ACA) built upon previous categorical distinctions among immigrants to solidify some inequalities and partially redress others. To analyse these changes, we build upon Tilly’s theory of durable inequalities by adding the concepts of redress and retrenchment, reflecting the dynamics of change among countervailing powers in a policy field. We employ this theoretical framework to investigate the ways the ACA has selectively reduced barriers for certain categories of immigrants, but not others. Some of these strategies date back to the ways the white power elite in Confederate states set out to regain control as Congress acted after 1865 to grant freed slaves full citizen’s rights. These barriers became blueprints for political strategies to block or subvert federal reforms. Additionally, we describe the ACA effort to reduce the legacy of de facto barriers for immigrants. We also detail how the federalist nature of the Act continued to allow wide-ranging forms of retrenchment and redress at state and local levels. Through this theoretical and historical analysis, we show how the ACA sought to redress certain historical inequalities of immigrant health care access but also solidified others, particularly in the case of undocumented immigrants.  相似文献   

15.
在民国时代的康区,存在三种称谓当地土著族群的名称:"藏族"、"康族"和"博族"。这三种名称来自三种不同的政治力量,分别是民国中央政府、刘文辉领导的西康省政府和以格桑泽仁为代表的土著族群精英。本文将这三种称谓理解为三种话语,其间的分歧反映了三种具有不同的背景、立场与政治诉求的力量间的竞争。通过对这样一种"话语竞争"的分析,本文试图探寻一条理解民国时代康区的政治与族群进程的线索,展示在中国由传统王朝国家向现代民族国家转变的过程中,在国家政权建设与地方权力博弈的复杂互动中,"族群性"作为一种历史现象如何逐渐凸显出来,具有了新的政治意涵。  相似文献   

16.
中国朝鲜族是中国56个民族中的一员,在其形成过程中有着与其他民族不同的特殊的历史性,它是一个跨界民族。在朝鲜战争中,他们的参战对于韩国、朝鲜和中国具有特殊的意义。本文拟以客观的立场叙述朝鲜族迁入中国东北的历史过程,并在此基础上,阐明中国延边朝鲜族投入朝鲜战争的缘由、活动和所起到的作用。  相似文献   

17.
要促进乌江流域民族教育现实发展,必须了解乌江流域民族教育发展的历史特点与规律。从历史上看,乌江流域的教育整体发展长期处于边缘化状态;教育供给与需求单一;民众教育权利和政府责任缺失,学校教育长期发展不足。在其中的个别时期,政府注重兴办学校,加强文化交流,教育亦得到较大发展。从乌江流域民族教育发展的历程可以看出,教育自身的独立性是其健康发展的保证之一;制度变革极大地影响着教育的发展;文化的交流融合可以有效地促进教育的发展;教育的发展可以反作用于社会经济文化等方面的发展。  相似文献   

18.
Birthright citizenship is often a subject of important national debates on immigration. From a historical perspective, the influx of Mexican and Chinese immigrants to the United Stated has elicited politically charged efforts to deny the right of US citizenship to their children. Based on a review of popular discursive frames concerning the politics of birthright citizenship, this essay identifies and critiques the arguments from both ends of the political spectrum. We conclude that, by and large, the substance of their legal and philosophical arguments is old, hackneyed responses from decades ago. However, on many symbolic levels, the current rhetoric is quite uncharacteristically caustic, with a focus on racialized and gendered discourses among nationalist groups. We seek to explain why this is the case. Framed as ‘genderacing immigrant subjects’, this essay examines the politics of naming (or nomenclature) through the construction of the racially gendered referent in public discourse, thereby ascribing socially resonant meanings that naturalize a call for draconian policy measures in order to socially engineer the national body.  相似文献   

19.
ABSTRACT

This paper investigates how a US gold mining multinational enterprise (MNE) – one of the world's largest – operates its subsidiaries in various parts of the world by creating a unique ‘glocal identity’. The US parent company has experienced several significant challenges across its network of subsidiaries. These challenges were mostly linked to the enforcement of the MNE's identity and culture in its host environment. We contribute by describing, in detail, the attempts made by this company to localise its corporate social responsibility practices in Ghana as it sought to gain legitimacy and create an identity that would overcome the issues relating to the liability of foreignness. Our data come from a combination of sources, including questionnaires and detailed semi-structured interviews conducted with the key management employees of the mining company, members and opinion leaders of the company's host communities, and secondary sources. Our main finding is that the construction of a ‘host-friendly’ identity was centred around the mining company's involvement with the Newmont Ahafo Development Foundation.  相似文献   

20.
徐铭 《民族学刊》2012,3(3):24-28,100-101
扎巴藏族的母系制走婚习俗,历史文献包括当代的道孚县志都无记载.冯敏《扎巴藏族——21世纪人类学母系制社会田野调查》一书的“婚姻”部分首次运用人类学方法详细考察了扎巴藏族母系制走婚习俗与父系制初期的婚姻家庭形态,并讨论其对人类婚姻体系演进史的意义、对偶婚比走婚进步的意义以及母系制婚姻存在的解释.透过该书的材料可以发现,扎巴藏族婚姻的变异与男女分工及社会经济状况、国家的婚姻法和计划生育政策紧密相关.面临村寨搬迁的扎巴藏族要妥善安置,不要影响如母系制婚姻家庭的人伦关系.  相似文献   

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