Galatea and Pygmalion glances: perception and strategies of the ‘other’ in front of (pre)judices

One of the most universally recognized mechanisms in the sociology of education is the Pygmalion effect: the expectations and prejudices of teachers (from a position of power), projected onto the students, have the potential to become a self-fulfilled prophecy – either positive either stigmatizing. But what elements are used to build these expectations? In this interaction how relate Pygmalion (professors and directors expectations) and Galatea (stigmatized students strategies)? What institutional and political alternatives can be used to combat these – racist? – prejudices? Based on a research of young immigrants pathways from various ethno-racial groups (mostly Latinos), over the period 2007–2011, this article exposes that: moreover than the critical importance of teachers in students’ pathways, it is also important reconsider how the perceptions and strategies of stigmatized students are nuanced, ambivalent, and creative.     

Negotiating domination and resistance: English language learners and Foucault’s Care of the Self in the context of English-only education

This article explores the basis for resistance to the normalizing technologies associated with English-only legislation and resulting educational practices. The dominance of English-only education in US public schools has normalized English first language speakers and English language learning by appropriating the technology of language in order to become ‘Americanized.’ Because of the growing number of English language learners (ELL) in US public schools, it is important to understand how the normalizing educational practices and disciplinary power associated with English-only education also cultivate possibilities for resistance. I draw upon Foucault’s analytic care of the self to explore the space of English-only education by asking: ‘What alternatives to the normalization of ELL students might be mobilized for resistance?’ This analysis suggests that to shift from a normalized ‘American’ identity requires questioning the racist and nativist discourse on English-only education, and focusing attention on contradictory and multilayered notions of ‘American’. The article concludes with recommendations for teacher education on how to cultivate prospective teachers’ resistance to English-only education.     

Indian identities in the ‘rainbow nation’: Responses to transformation in South African schools

Ethnic minorities pose important challenges for nation-building in post-apartheid South Africa. Indian/black African accommodation is examined through the microcosm of former Indian secondary schools in Pietermaritzburg. The development of Indian identities since the beginnings of indenture in the 1860s reflects an accommodation along predominantly ethnic rather than class-based lines. Whereas the shared educational experience of Indians under apartheid has served to reinforce ascribed ‘Indian’ identity, internal divisions are reflected in fragmented Indian voting behaviour since 1994. Fieldwork on patterns of desegregation in five former Indian secondary schools reveals critical differences between staff and governing bodies committed to transformation and more narrowly focused concerns of often conservative or apolitical parents. These differences are consistent with historic socio-political divisions among Indian South Africans. Transformation of former Indian schools embraces challenges, which, if successfully negotiated, could help to enable Indians to forge an identity of their own making in post-apartheid South Africa.     

Understanding the magnitude and extent of crime in post-apartheid South Africa

The crime of apartheid (1951–1994) was predicated upon the spatial segregation of the country's diverse population according to certain state-defined racial groups. This socio-spatial redesign not only racialised South African cities but led to the concentrated disadvantage of the majority black population in certain segregated geographical areas. Despite democracy, apartheid's urban spatiality has not automatically dissolved but rather continues to shape and define the urban landscape. This article argues that these macro-social patterns of racial and spatial inequalities, borne out of repressively enforced apartheid-era segregationist policies, can be used to explain the magnitude and extent of crime in post-apartheid South Africa. Policing and developmental policy implications of this argument are outlined and discussed, and strategic recommendations are made for the future.     

‘Love beyond colour’: the formation of interracial gay men's intimate relationships in post-apartheid South Africa

Arguably, family sociology has witnessed a paradigm shift from a general view of family as a monolithic entity to recognising family pluralism in the last few decades. Recognition and appreciation of diversities such as race, class and gender are at the forefront of this change. This shift includes the construction of day-to-day lives of same-sex households. It should be mentioned that feminist scholars have made important contributions to the role and position of women in families, but lesser contribution has been made to same-sex families' research. Similarly, it has been argued that same-sex family research is one of the important aspects of family scholarship that has not been adequately explored and it is yet to make a serious impact in family studies. In recognition of this gap in family sociology, this study contributes to the existing literature on the emerging familial construction of same-sex households. This study explores the political transition that led to the current visibility of gay identity and interracial intimate relationships that were previously subjugated during apartheid in South Africa. The study is based on an eight-month fieldwork and data were collected through in-depth interviews from 10 interracial gay partners (comprising of 20 gay men). The study found that there is a growing formation of gay men's romantic relationships that transcend colour in post-apartheid South Africa, given the previous history of racial segregation and criminalisation of same-sex attractions as the ‘other’ in the country. The two common ways in which gay men who participated in this study form their household are through face-to-face and computer-mediated relationships.     

Racist dreams and municipal budgets: women representing a culturally racist party in local politics

The welfare and migration regime of Sweden are undergoing substantial changes, as neo-liberal restructuring is rapidly increasing inequalities, and multicultural policies are in retreat as neo-assimilationist policies are growing. In 2014, the Sweden Democrats, a party conceptualised as culturally racist, was re-elected with 13% of the votes, with a presence in almost all municipalities. While scholarship on this and similar parties has expanded, the role that gender and gender equality has for the culturally racist articulation of their agenda remains unexplored. The experience of women organised in the Sweden Democrats is the focus of this article, the experience of these women engaged in local politics, working to include the Sweden Democrats' culturally racist agenda at the municipality level. The article draws upon in-depths interviews with women activists of the Sweden Democrats. Central to the article is an analysis of forms of inclusion and normalisation of the Sweden Democrats' worldviews but also of the forms of resistance towards their presence at the municipality level. Unlike mainstream research, which downplays the cultural racism of extreme right-wing parties, and rarely employ a gendered analysis, we see (cultural) racism and anti-feminism as central for their agenda.     

Transcending apartheid in higher education: transforming an institutional culture

Twenty years after Nelson Mandela became President of South Africa, deeply entrenched inequalities and injustices are still at the core of the country’s social fabric. South Africa’s public and private sectors continue to battle with the situation and higher education institutions are no exception. The South African Ministry of Education has identified systemic problems within the institutional cultures of universities as one of the key obstacles to change. This article focuses on a racist incident that occurred at the University of the Free State (UFS) in South Africa in 2007. The incident shook the university’s institutional culture to the core and became a catalyst for change for universities across the country. We portray the institutional culture of the UFS on the basis of a series of interviews with management and student leaders who personally played key roles in handling the incident in 2008. The interviews reveal some of the ‘story stock’ within the institutional culture and highlight four interrelated dimensions of contestation. The stories also show that the interviewees frequently situate and justify their beliefs and actions in an intergenerational chain. Finally we consider some of the implications of our findings for the ongoing reconstruction of post-apartheid institutional cultures in higher education.     

Shouts of the street: Identity and the spaces of authenticity

Abstract

For a long time the street has occupied a cherished place in the lexicon of urbanism. Romanticised as the site of authentic political action, celebrated and reviled as the font of ‘low’ culture or feared as a signifier of dangerous territorialisation, the street can be gazed at, walked through and appropriated time and again in representations of the city. This paper looks at some of the tensions in the notions of spatiality that are both masked and naturalised in our common use of the term.

The paper takes as its empirical focus the racialised and racist mobilisations that occurred in the East End of London in the late summer of 1993. A local by‐election with a very high profile BNP (fascist) presence, the racist assault on seventeen year old Qudddus Ali, which left him for several days near death in intensive care, and the subsequent clashes in Whitechapel and Spitalfields which sprang from attacks on the shops and restaurants of Brick Lane by far right activists culminated in serious clashes between police and local Bengalis and a petrol bomb attack on the local police station.

The paper shows that ‘the street’ invokes a range of spatialities that are a constitutive feature in understanding not only the parochial specificities of Spitalfields and Stepney, Wapping and Whitechapel, but also the very nature of racist and anti‐racist mobilisation. At times the vocabulary of resistance may appear similar or even identical to the language of the carceral and territorial imperatives that codify and institutionalise racist practices. On closer inspection subtle distinctions arise from particular articulations of street sensibilities, raising questions that are essential for a plausible and politically progressive reading of recent violent disorder and indispensable to an understanding of the constellation of contemporary debates around public space and the perennial discussion about ‘insiders’ and ‘outsiders’ in anti‐racist mobilisations.     

Native lands: language,nation and landscape in the Taal Monument,Paarl, South Africa

The paper focuses on the relationship between language, landscape, politics and culture in the monument to the Afrikaans language – the Taal Monument, completed in 1975 in Paarl, South Africa. Despite the apparent cultural and political control of the apartheid state at this time, an analysis of the representation and iconography of the monument enables it to be read as a site in which race, language and meaning are contested. The paper reveals how the attempt by the Nationalists to simultaneously narrate the landscape as natives and to hold the claim of others at bay contributed to the uncertainties, contradictions and ambiguities of both the monument and the wider landscape.     

‘A Geography of Racism’: Internal Orientalism and the Construction of American National Identity in the Film Mississippi Burning

This article examines the contribution of the film Mississippi Burning to the construction of American national identity within the context of the discourse of internal orientalism. This discourse consists of a tradition of representing the American South as fundamentally different from the rest of the United States, and an important strand of this tradition involves construing ‘the South’ as a region where racism, violence, intolerance, poverty and a group of other negative characteristics reign. In contrast, ‘America’ is understood as standing for the opposite of these vices. Mississippi Burning continues this tradition by creating a ‘geography of racism’, juxtaposing the brutality of white Southerners with the morality of two FBI agents sent to Mississippi to investigate the disappearance of three civil rights workers. A variety of the film's devices, including the comparison between the racist white Southerners and the FBI agents, reproduces an American national identity that stands for tolerance, justice and peace.     

Reflections on liberalism,policulturalism, and ID-ology: citizenship and difference in South Africa

How do nation-states in the twenty-first century, nation-states increasingly forced to come to terms with the ethnic heterogeneity of their citizens, deal with the problem of cultural difference? How, in particular, does the Constitution of post-apartheid South Africa — widely believed to be the most enlightened in the contemporary world, the most tolerant of diversity — strike a balance between the ‘One Law’ of ‘The Nation’ and the plurality of customary beliefs sustained, as a matter of right, by the various peoples who make up this postcolony? What happens, in the course of everyday existence, when Constitution and Custom appear to contradict one another — and to do so in such a manner as to raise questions of basic human rights, of freedom of belief, even of life-and-death? These questions are addressed in the paper through a critical, broadly situated analysis of the confrontation between the Constitution of South Africa and the Kingdom of Custom that continues to prevail in one of its provinces, the North West. By exploring a complicated case that drew the State, via its Human Rights Commission, into open conflict with a Tswana chiefdom — a case about death rituals argued, before a high court judge, in the lexicon of modern jurisprudence — it shows how a ‘living constitution’, tolerant of everyday ambiguity, is being forged in the space of strategic engagement opened up by the alternative languages and cultures of legality that exist in this ‘policultural’ postcolony. And in others like it.     

Islam,Moderation, Radicalism,and Justly Balanced Communities

If media outlets and political rhetoric are to be believed, then the way to counter “radical” Islam is through “moderate” Islam. Seemingly, “moderate” Islam is that which “radical” Islam is not. In appointing “moderate” Islam as an antidote to “radical” Islam, the implication is that, conceptually at least, the two terms are contradistinctive. Yet, while much is, perceivably, known about “radical” Islam, with its associated ills of an unequivocal Islamic worldview, very little attention has been afforded to this signifier, “moderate”. Inasmuch as this term is bandied around, even scholars of Islam will acknowledge that, within Islamic education, understandings of and debates on conceptions of moderation, and moderate Muslim communities, have been somewhat overlooked. What, therefore, is a “moderate” Islam? What is a “moderate” Muslim community and how would it act? What are the implications for a “moderate” community in relation to pluralist societies? And, can such a “moderate” community offer a practical response not only to “radical” Islam, but, perhaps, more importantly, to increasingly antagonistic, liberal contexts?     

Anti-politics and the scourge of authoritarianism

The performance of American politics, in the age of Donald Trump, has been reduced to a carnival of unbridled narcissism, deception, spectacle, and overloaded sensation. What happens to a democracy when it loses all semblance of public memory, and the welfare state and social contract are abandoned in order to fill the coffers of bankers, hedge fund managers, and the corporate elite? What happens when disposable populations are brushed clean from our collective conscience, and are the object of unchecked humiliation and disdain by the financial elite? In trying to grapple with such questions, this paper suggests that when democratic agency amounts to an electoral choice between Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton, we enter into a ‘world order’ of anti-politics – a ‘collective will’ shorn of both the promise of transformation and a future of democracy. What follows reflects on the possibility of a new language of liberation, at a time when language itself has lost its potential for reference in a culture of compulsive forgetting and myth-making. The task ahead of us, this essay maintains, calls for a coming together of broad-based social struggles in the everyday with a relentless questioning of what passes for neoliberal ‘commonsense’.     

宗教信仰与族群边界--以保安族为例

“回回”原为一个以宗教来认同的族群集体。建国以后 ,国家承认了“回回”的民族身份 ,定名为回族 ,并依据斯大林民族定义进一步将原一律包含进“回回人”中的别具自身文化特点的一些群体识别为单独的少数民族 ,如保安族、东乡族和撒拉族。这样 ,在甘青宁地区穆斯林社会中又出现了一道新的社会边界———民族。那么 ,在当代社会生活中 ,在这个由宗教提供最主要的社会互动关联体系的社会中 ,人们如何区分群体 ?怎样确定群体之间的互动规则 ?基于宗教信仰差异的社会边界和国家认定的民族边界分别发挥着什么样的作用 ?社会生活中真实的族群边界是什么 ?本文试图以保安族为例回答上述问题。     

Islamophobia and the Discursive Reconstitution of Religious Imagination in Europe

Since much of the discussion about Islamophobia has been concerned with positive-self and negative-other representations of Muslims, understanding it as a culturally racist discourse foregrounds the way Muslims are constructed as deeply threatening to the values and identities of the spaces they occupy. These representations invoke an essentialised and determinative Muslim culture that can be understood as the central organising principle of Islamophobia: the belief that relies upon binary oppositions that allow its proponents to advocate a host of positive values, while repudiating and denigrating Muslims. This paper explains how Islamophobia can be conceptualised as the racist discourse that upholds a system of Eurocentric supremacy, a historical development based on the universalising aspects of Western culture that led to the development of a racialised social system in Europe. By demonstrating the form and content of Islamophobic discourse, the paper draws attention to a wide array of issues ranging from the securitisation discourse, institutionalisation of Islamophobia, to its modes of articulation in specific European countries. It further argues that given the rise of racist, especially Islamophobic, far-right parties in European countries, combating Islamophobia becomes an institutional priority that requires outspoken and brave initiatives and persons who not only challenge this pervasive form of racism but also address structural forms of discrimination affecting Muslims or those perceived as such.     

Risky business and geographies of refugee capitalism in the Somali migrant economy of Gauteng,South Africa

Research on migrant livelihoods in South Africa reveals links between social exclusion and migrant ‘cosmopolitan tactics’, including multi-sited socialities, diverse spatial business strategies and orientations precluding integration into a ‘xenophobic’ host society. Drawing on 10 months of ethnographic research, this study explores how Somali migrants’ business practices and tactics of mobility within and beyond Gauteng Province, South Africa (which encompasses Johannesburg and Pretoria) articulate with both broader transnational flows and investments in the local economy. Since the end of apartheid, Somalis and other migrants from the Horn of Africa have carved out an economic niche in peri-urban townships where high risk and frequent movement characterise workers’ lives. The Somali enclave in the neighbourhood of Mayfair, Johannesburg, links local and national circulations of people, goods and money to international circuits of the Somali ethnic economy—an economy that also involves non-Somali groups, mainly from Kenya and Ethiopia. These diverse dynamics of human mobility and financial circulation complicate bounded conceptualisations of transnationalism and also illustrate how tactical cosmopolitanisms may be grounded in spatial and social arrangements. The convergence of migrant mobility and financial flows produces distinctive patterns of livelihood embedded in a multi-scalar geography of movement, remittance, investment, risk and opportunity.     

Racism and xenophobia experienced by Polish migrants in the UK before and after Brexit vote

In recent years the public discourses on Polish migration in the UK have rapidly turned hostile, especially in the context of economic crisis in 2008, and subsequently after the EU referendum in 2016. While initially Poles have been perceived as a ‘desirable’ migrant group and labelled as ‘invisible’ due to their whiteness, this perception shifted to the representation of these migrants as taking jobs from British workers, putting a strain on public services and welfare. While racist and xenophobic violence has been particularly noted following the Brexit vote, Polish migrants experienced various forms of racist abuse before that. This paper draws on narrative interviews with Polish migrant women illustrating their experiences of racism and xenophobia in Greater Manchester before and after the Brexit vote, and how they make sense of anti-Polish discourses and attitudes. This paper illustrates the importance of the interplay between the media and political discourses, class, race and the local context in shaping relations between Polish migrants and the local population.     

Labour migration brokerage and Dalit politics in Andhra Pradesh: a Dalit fabric of labour circulation

ABSTRACT

Why and how do labour migrant brokers engage with henchmen of bosses, small-time criminals and violent politicians? What significance do labour brokers’ political relations have in the fabric of labour circulation? This article argues for migration brokerage to be examined along a broad continuum of brokerage to explore the local fabric of labour circulation in the Indian construction sector. Considering migration brokerage as part of a broader landscape of brokerage firstly allows look at how migration brokers concretely navigate the worlds of labour and politics to pursue their activities and to further their own agendas. It secondly offers insight into how the everyday relations between migrant brokers and henchmen of bosses shape the lives of migrant labourers in the urban construction sector. Based on a detailed ethnography of the relation between a Dalit labour maistri and a Dalit henchman of a boss in a context of violent criminal political economy, this article explores the roles of Dalit politics in shaping the Dalit fabric of labour circulation and labour broker’s trajectories in South India. It further looks at the ambivalent production and mobilisation of Dalit identities in the making of an ideal Dalit migrant labourer.     

Beyond Islamophobia? The role of Englishness and English national identity within English Defence League discourse and politics

ABSTRACT

Unsurprisingly, most scholarship on the English Defence League (EDL) focuses on the Islamophobic nature of the group's politics. This has found that, whilst the group presents a more moderate, public-facing image, the EDL's backstage discourse is a far less nuanced brand of Islamophobia and cultural racism (Allen, C. (2011). Opposing Islamification or promoting Islamophobia? Understanding the English Defence League. Patterns of Prejudice, 45(4), 279–294; Kassimeris, G., & Jackson, L. (2015). The ideology and discourse of the English Defence League: ‘Not racist, not violent, just no longer silent’. British Journal of Politics and International Relations, 17, 171–188). A more fundamental area of EDL ideology has been left unexamined, however: what notion of ‘England’ is the EDL trying to ‘defend’? Using content analysis of EDL online discourse, this article examines how the EDL articulates, represents, and uses English national identity within its discourse and politics.