雍乾年间清准议和与划定游牧边界谈判

自康熙朝中期,清准关系紧张以来,双方战和不断。为休养生息,双方均有停战议和之意。雍正十二年（1734年）,清世宗派傅鼐率使团出使准噶尔,谈判停战议和。乾隆三年（1738年）,遣阿克敦率团出使准噶尔,为停战议和及划定双方游牧界限而积极努力。在他们不懈努力下,噶尔丹策零在乾隆四年（1739年）底遣使表示遵从清朝方案,双方顺利划定了游牧边界。雍乾年间清准双方停战议和与划定游牧边界谈判是双方关系发展的重大事件,为增加双方和平交往交流创造了有利条件。     

准噶尔汗国对1717年事件的道歉

1717年,准噶尔汗国汗王策妄阿拉布坦派大策零敦多布大将率5000兵士入藏。这一入藏事件实际上是当时青藏高原政治斗争的产物,对西藏僧俗造成了伤害。1743年,虽然清朝戒备森严,但在噶尔丹策零及诺颜集团的努力之下,准噶尔汗国统治者举办熬茶礼佛活动,为1717年事件道歉,他们态度诚恳、耗资巨大,取得了成功。由此,准噶尔和西藏之间中断近三十年的朝圣之路得以畅通。     

乾隆七年准噶尔遣使进京史实考述

由于乾隆六年（1741年）准噶尔未能成功入藏熬茶,噶尔丹策零特派使者吹纳木喀等于乾隆七年（1742年）七月进京,以朝觐为名,实则请求乾隆帝允准赴藏熬茶。虽然在吹纳木喀等人的恳求下,乾隆帝表现出了宽容的态度,恩准了准噶尔的请求,但鉴于准噶尔使者前次无故折返的教训,在制定准噶尔进藏熬茶的人数、时间及路线方面格外谨慎,做足了应对之策。     

简论噶尔丹策零

噶尔丹策零是准噶尔后期的杰出首领。他统治准噶尔前后达十八年,对准噶尔的政治、经济、文化的发展有着重要的贡献。但是多少年来,国内学术界对噶尔丹策零的评价,却一直持否定观点,斥之“勾结”沙俄的“叛乱”势力。我们认为把这些看法加之于噶尔丹策零身上,是不能令人信服的。为了更好地推进准噶尔史的研究,笔者不避浅陋,拟就噶尔丹策零的主要活动,谈一谈个人看法。     

归化城土默特左翼旗都统丹津出任乌兰察布盟盟长考

雍正年间清朝与准噶尔部的战争爆发,乌兰察布盟盟长扎萨克多罗达尔罕卓里克图郡王阿喇布坦多尔济率兵出征,雍正十年（1732年）至乾隆元年（1736年）间,归化城土默特左翼旗都统丹津出任乌兰察布盟盟长。由盟外之人出任盟长,在清代历史上绝无仅有。丹津为归化城土默特左翼旗都统,也是上三旗正白旗蒙古人,作为雍正皇帝的奴仆,得到信任和重用。     

清代西北边疆民族史研究四题

本文是针对清代西北边疆民族史存在的某些问题进行研究的文章。全文共分四部分。 ( 1)准噶尔兵锋到达黑海沿岸说考辨。文中主要论述了 16— 17世纪时诺盖人的迁徙与分布情况 ,指出1682— 1683年间噶尔丹举兵进军哈萨克时 ,根本不可能自锡尔河流域跨越哈萨克草原而到达黑海沿岸。 ( 2 )此噶尔丹非彼噶尔丹。主要针对个别学者将昭《啸亭杂录》“萨赖尔之叛”中提到的“噶尔丹”比附为康熙时的“噶尔丹”的观点进行剖析。 ( 3)萨喇勒与萨赖尔是一人非二人。文中论述了萨喇勒、萨赖尔是史籍中对同一个人物的不同称呼 ,指出有关著述将其当做两个不同人物处理是不恰当的。 ( 4 )阿布赉被俘及与噶尔丹策零关系考实。有关阿布赉被俘经过及其与噶尔丹策零关系 ,学术界长期以来流行着一种观点 ,认为是由其杀死噶尔丹策零之子引起的 ,并力图夸大其与噶尔丹策零的紧张关系。作者通过大量事实 ,否定了这种说法     

雍和宫:百年大佛重开光

金秋10月,驰名中外的藏传佛教格鲁派寺庙——雍和宫,举行了近百年来最为隆重的一次弥勒大佛开光庆典。雍和宫是北京最大的喇嘛庙,建于康熙33年(公元1694年)。原为清朝第三代皇帝雍正即位前的府邸,乾隆就是在这里降生的。雍正三年(公元1725年)升为行宫,改名雍和宫。乾隆九年(公元1744年),乾隆为缅怀雍正皇帝的业绩,维护西藏、蒙古     

策妄阿喇布坦与沙皇俄国——温科夫斯基出使准噶尔前后

在策妄阿喇布坦同沙俄的关系史上,博罗库尔干出使俄国,温科夫斯基出使准噶尔和达尔扎复又出使俄国是一个重大事件,很能说明策妄阿喇布坦对待沙俄的态度,但这三个使团的活动情况以及所反映出的策妄阿喇布坦同沙皇俄国的关系,至今未得到仔细研究,因此有必要加以评述。     

清末哈萨克族向“伊犁东路”的迁居及其社会发展

伊犁地区历来是中亚游牧民族历史上的一个重要舞台。到十七、十八世纪,作为准噶尔部的政治、经济、文化中心,伊犁对西北各民族人民和中亚商人仍有很大的吸引力。在准噶尔汗国时期,其西部辖界与哈萨克汗国的牧地相接,因此,必然地产生了相互间政治、经济、文化上的交往;同时也为争夺牧场、牲畜,相互之间屡有攻杀。乾隆二十二年(1757年),清平定准噶尔叛乱,随后,哈萨克各部也相继表示内附,清政府实行了准许哈萨克人进入原准噶尔牧地游牧的政策,这为十八世纪下半叶以后得以复苏的哈萨克族畜牧业经济提供了更大的发展条件。到沙俄入侵为止,哈萨克人广布于巴尔喀什湖以东以南、新疆北部清朝卡伦地区。其主要氏族部落有:斋桑西边的穆伦氏族、斋桑北边的喀拉喀列伊氏族,离塔尔巴哈台不远     

《清内阁蒙古堂档》中与西藏有关档案目录编译(二)

本文续上期编译(一),从《清内阁蒙古堂档》第6册至第10册中节选了与西藏历史相关的文书目录,内容主要涉及康熙二十六年至三十三年间,西藏达赖喇嘛、班禅呼图克图、第巴等与清朝往来文书,以及围绕巴图尔额尔克济农、喀尔喀内乱、准噶尔与喀尔喀纷争、喀尔喀归属问题等事件与清朝往来的文书。本文整理摘编与西藏历史相关的档案文书目录共142条,目录后附收发日期的同时,将重复的文书亦在括号内予以标示,以便于读者了解和利用。     

韦皋与唐代南方丝绸之路的重开

Weigao was one of the famous Jie-dushi ( regional military commissioners ) of the Jiannan Xichuan ( located in today’s southern Si-chuan) in the Tang Dynasty. During the rule of Wei Gao, he successfully defeated the Tubo, and changed the Tang court’s submissiveness in the southwestern region and the fight between the Tang and Tubo along the southern line. He also restored the links between Yunnan and Xichuan including all the way to the Central Plains, and, as a result, the once closed Southern Silk Road was reopened. A further exploration and evaluation of Wei Gao’s actions and his influence on reopening the Southern Silk Road ought to be given. I. Wei Gao’s Alliance with the Nanzhao King-dom and Reopening the Southern Silk Road In 785 A. D. , Wei Gao arrived in Chengdu and was appointed Jiedushi of Jiannan Xichuan. The situation of Jiannan Xichuan at that time was very critical. After the Tianbao war, the Kingdom of Nanzhao, which had unified the area around Er-hai Lake with the support of the Tang in the past, turned against the Tang and publicly announced its alliance with the Tubo. The Nanzhao Kingdom, to-gether with the Tubo, struck the Tang in the south-western region. This shift not only put the Tang in a submissive position in the southwestern region, but also significantly influenced the relations be-tween the Tang and the Tubo. As the Jiedushi of Jiannan Xichuan, Wei Gao became a unique practitioner and actively promoted a joint strategy in Yunnan. After the Tang decided to make an alliance with the Nanzhao Kingdom, relevant actions were taken immediately. However because relations between the Nanzhao Kingdom and the Tang had been broken for many years, at the beginning, Wei Gao could only communicate through some of the tribal chiefs of the Dongman ( Eastern Barbarians) . Through several years of ef-fort and mutual contact, Wei Gao’s endeavors to make an alliance with the Nanzhao, at last, were effective. Wei Gao’s efforts to make an alliance with the Nanzhao certainly involved issues related to trans-portation between Xichuan and the area of Erhai Lake. During that period, the route between Xi-chuan and Nanzhao was not only under military threat from the Tubo, but it was also overseen by the tribes of the Dongman who supported the Tu-bo—this indicated that the line of communication was not in a normal situation. The Southern Silk Road was one of ancient China’s important land trade routes to overseas. In looking at relevant re-cords in the Shiji ( Records of the Historian ) , we can see that this route had been known by people in the Central Plains from at least the Qin and Han dynasties. It was called the“Shushen Dudao” dur-ing the Han dynasty, and the “Xi’er Tianzhu zhid-ao” in the Taizhong period of the Tang dynasty.“Xi’er” refers to Erhai Lake, which was called“Xi’er He” during that time; “Tianzhu”, i. e.“Shendu”, refers to present day India. Since the Qin and Han dynasties, there were two primary routes between Xichuan and the area of Lake Er-hai. One was the Shimendao, also called the Wuchidao or Rongzhoudao, which started from present Chengdu and went through present day Le-shan and Yibin. The other was the Qing Xidao, also called the Lingguandao, Songzhoudao or Qiongnan Yilu,which, started from present Cheng-du, and went through present day Ya’an, and Xichang. These two routes were also called the“North Route” and the“South Route” in the Yun-nan Zhi ( The History of Yunnan) compiled by Fan Cuo in the Tang Dynasty. These two were the main routes between Sichuan and Yunnan on the South-ern Silk Road in the Tang dynasty. In 794 A. D. , the Tang and the Nanzhao Kingdom swore an oath of alliance, and Wei Gao started his plans to reo-pen the routes. By making a comprehensive analy-sis of relevant historical records, we are certain that starting with a plan in the 8th century, and fol-lowing the realization of the alliance between the Tang and Nanzhao as part of the strategy for the Southwestern area, and, together with the success in the fight against the Tubo, the two main chan-nels between Sichuan and Yunnan on the Southern Silk Road were reopened as a result of the concern of Wei Gao at the beginning of the 9th century. II. The Basic Situation of the Route between Sichuan and Yunnan on the Southern Silk Road in the Tang Dynasty and Its Historical Significance It was a long way from Xichuan to the area of Lake Erhai, and, moreover, the situation was also very complicated. Whenever the North Route or the South Route opened, it was not something that was completed immediately; it was a process. Al-though some sections of the road might be comple-ted initially, the opening of the entire route could not be completed within a short time. Through the records of Fan Cuo in his Yunnan Zhi, we can glean a general understanding of the basic situation regarding the reopening of the two main routes be-tween Sichuan and Yunnan along the Southern Silk Road in the Tang Dynasty. Seen from the records of Fan Cuo, there were courier stations along the South Route, so that travelers and their horses could have services and accommodation. It is very significant to note that in addition to the records of courier stations along the route managed by the Xichuan administration, the Yunnan Zhi also recorded that special translators were arranged for facilitating the contact and ex-change between the two sides, i. e. Xichuan and Nanzhao, after the route reached Ezhunling. This detail reflected Xichuan’s attention to the manage-ment of this route, but it also reflected the frequent contact between the people from the two sides of this route and the need for better communication. The road which started from Ezhunling was man-aged by the Nanzhao Kingdom. The situation of the North Route was quite different from the South Route. Based upon an analysis of the records found in the Yunnan Zhi, along the north route, there were not only high mountain, steep slopes, and winding roads, but the traveler also had to pass through many areas inhabited by the Wuman (Black Babarians). So, people were able to pass through the stations only after their words had been translated three or four times. Generally speaking, the conditions along the North Route were worse than those along the South Route. Therefore, al-though the reopening of the South Route was later than the North Route, people usually chose to pass through the South Route after it was reopened. It should be mentioned here that although Fan Cuo’s Yunnan Zhi was compiled during the early years of Xiantong Period in the Tang dynasty, the situation along the route and courier stations recorded in the book were probably not much different from those along the route during the time of Wei Gao. Al-though more than half a century of time had passed the road and courier stations along the South and North Routes might have only had some minor changes, and it was probably generally the same as in the past. Moreover it was unblocked for a long term due to the concern of the both sides. Another point that should be noted here is that although both the South and North Routes connecting Si-chuan and Yunnan on the Southern Silk Road in the Tang dynasty were managed by the administra-tions of Xichuan and Nanzhao separately, seen from the close relations and common demands of the two sides, the construction and management of these two important routes were combined through the negotiation of the two sides’ considerations and demands. As the major supporter for making the alliance with Nanzhao, Wei Gao should be the one who played an active role in this process. Because of the alliance between the Tang and the Nanzhao Kingdom the Tubo suffered a setback in the southwestern region, and they gradually re-treated to the north. Under this scenario, the channels of communication between Sichuan and Yunnan were unblocked, and communication be-tween the envoys from the Tang and Nanzhao be-came more frequent, the local trade developed, and the number of businessmen traversing Sichuan and Yunnan increased. Seen from the perspective of the development of Nanzhao, the frequent ex-changes between the artisans and traders from the two sides via the South and North Routes that ran between Sichuan and Yunnan promoted the eco-nomic and commercial development of Yunnan. In addition, there were many ethnic groups in the Nanzhao Kingdom. These included the Wuman, and Baiman ( white barbarians) . For several dec-ades,“more than a thousand” people from differ-ent ethnic groups went to Chengdu to study. This reflected that the reopening of the Southern Silk Road during the Tang dynasty played an important role in cultural transmission. On the other hand, training youth from the different ethnic groups liv-ing in the Nanzhao Kingdom also had a deep influ-ence on the cultural development of Yunnan. More important is that this action enhanced the commu-nication between the ethnic groups of Yunnan and the Central Plains. In addition, after reopening the road between Sichuan and Yunnan on the Southern Silk Route, the road continued through Nanzhao territory, crossed into the Myanmar-India route, and arrived in South and Southeast Asia. It could be said that Wei Gao’s reopening of the Southern Silk Road was not only helpful for communication between the people of Xichuan, the Central Plains and Yunnan, but it was also helpful for communi-cation between the Tang and the countries of South and Southeast Asia. It should be mentioned that Wei Gao’s reope-ning of the Southern Silk Road was conducted with-in the framework of an alliance with the Nanzhao Kingdom to attack the Tubo. Hence, speaking truthfully, reopening the road was not the main re-sponsibility of the Jiedushi of Xichuan, and was al-so not his main strategic goal. Under the serious situation faced by Jiannan Xichuan, Wei Gao’s main focus during that time was how to contact and make an alliance with the Nanzhao Kingdom so as to take military action against the Tubo. Even if he planned to reopen this road and took some action, it was conducted by targeting his military strategic action. However, reopening the Southern Silk Road could not be separated from the action of making an alliance with the Nanzhao Kingdom. Moreover, after reopening this road, it really pro-moted economic -cultural exchange and develop-ment along the road. Hence, we should give a full understanding and evaluation on Wei Gao’s histori-cal role in it.     

第五世哲布尊丹巴呼图克图坐床经过考述

于嘉庆十八年(1813)十一月二十九日四世哲布尊丹巴罗不藏图巴坦旺舒克在五台山圆寂。清朝于乾隆五十八年(1793)制定的《钦定藏内善后章程二十九条》中规定,哲布尊丹巴呼图克图的转世灵童必须在西藏平民中选取,实行金瓶掣签制度。因此,喀尔喀按照清朝规定,派人赴西藏寻找其转世灵童,于嘉庆二十一年通过金瓶掣签选定了第四世哲布尊丹巴呼图克图的转世灵童,并于嘉庆二十五年(1820)接回至喀尔喀哲布尊丹巴呼图克图库伦坐床,成为第五世哲布尊丹巴呼图克图。四世哲布尊丹巴呼图克图的转世及其迎取经历,反映了清代自第二世哲布尊丹巴呼图克图转世到西藏以后喀尔喀为迎请哲布尊丹巴转世灵童而付出的艰辛和经济负担,以及清廷在喀尔喀推行政教分离政策的坚定不移。本文对此全过程作了较为详细研究,借以揭示清朝对哲布尊丹巴呼图克图及其转世的控制和管理,以及哲布尊丹巴呼图克图转世对喀尔喀的影响。     

1885-1888年文硕出任驻藏大臣及去职

文硕出任驻藏大臣,是要完成“开导”西藏地方政府即噶厦准许英人进藏游历通商和设法加强中央政府对藏治理的双重任务。他上任后,既支持抗击英人入侵,又要求妥协让步。同时,他努力加强驻藏大臣权力,推行川藏一体计划,但是他心有余而力不足。由于他未能完成任务,清政府撤去其职。     

清末新政期间的"筹蒙改制"

本文探讨了清末新政期间的“筹蒙改制”问题 ,指出 :理藩院改为理藩部后 ,加强了和中央各机构的联系 ,多次对蒙古各方面情况进行调查 ,推动了蒙古地区新政的开展 ,特别是在维系蒙古王公和清朝中央政府关系方面起了重要作用 ,而这在当时的情况下 ,对维护国家统一有着不可忽视的作用。阿尔泰办事大臣和内蒙古地区一些州县的设立 ,对蒙古地区开展新政以及防止沙俄入侵起了积极作用。     

“一带一路”背景下民族地区国际化复合型人才培养的实践与反思

人才是"一带一路"倡议顺利推进和落实的关键,"一带一路"沿线国家加强文明交流互鉴、实现共商共建共享的愿景和目标离不开国际化复合型人才的支撑和保障。"一带一路"倡议将国内沿线民族地区变成了对外开放的桥头堡,通过区域内高校培养国际化复合型人才是民族地区顺应时代潮流自觉对接"一带一路"倡议的应有之举。因此,"一带一路"背景下民族地区培养什么样的国际化复合型人才、如何培养国际化复合型人才不仅是一个值得探讨的课题,更是民族地区高校人才培养实践迫切需要解决的问题。     

民国时期的“回族界说”与中国共产党《回回民族问题》的理论意义

现有研究表明,中国讲汉语的回回在晚明已经形成为一个具有共同祖先认同的独特的族类群体(民族),但是到晚清特别是辛亥革命之后,出现回回学者关于"回族界说"的争议,而且大多数回回精英都不主张回族是一个独立的"民族",也不赞成使用"回族"的称呼。本文认为回回精英的这种立场,主要是因为从西方传入的"民族"概念蕴含"一个民族一个国家"的意义,而中国的回回用"争教不争国"表达了在政治上认同中国的生存策略。这种生存策略的确定,不仅与清代后期的民族压迫有关,而且也受到民国期间中国大社会(国民党和大多数主流学者)的"民族"理论和方针的影响。反观中国共产党的《回回民族问题》(1941年),一方面尊重学理,没有否认中国多民族国家中存在汉族以外的"民族";另一方面修正了少数民族"民族自决"的主张,改为民族平等下的"民族自治"。其在学理上确立了多民族国家中真正实行民族平等政策的理论基础,同时也为中国回回民族指明了不需要否认自己民族身份的发展道路。     

乐生美学:《那坡彝族开路经》文化功能研究

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