从《一千零一夜》看中世纪阿拉伯社会主流价值观

享誉世界文坛的中古时期的阿拉伯民间神话故事集《一千零一夜》,是一部反映中世纪阿拉伯社会最具代表性的惟一经典作品。其所反映的,是阿拉伯民族统一和民族精神的发展史,是了解和考察中世纪阿拉伯社会转型进程的一个缩影,是阿拉伯帝国处于上升发展并达到顶峰的时期,也是阿拉伯一伊斯兰文化走向繁荣并形成其主流价值观的历史过程。     

The New Immigrants and the Making of a Multicultural Society: A Critical Analysis of Contemporary Ethnographic Approaches

This article discusses the work and personal experience of the exile, Egyptian novelist and short story writer, Albert Cossery. Selections of his prose which revealingly portray lower class life in Egypt in the first half of the twentieth century are considered, granting us a candid view of life as lived by the masses of Egyptians during this period. Also investigated is Cossery's personal development as an Egyptian Greek Catholic intellectual whose education and cultural inclination predisposed him to write in French. His life is of particular interest because it mirrors some typical dilemmas faced by minority intellectuals during the transformation of a developing nation from foreign rule to national independence.     

HOW THE LEGACY OF FRENCH COLONIZATION HAS SHAPED DIVERGENT LEVELS OF ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT IN EAST ASIA: A Time‐Series Cross‐National Analysis

Although many countries in East Asia have achieved high growth rates since the middle of the 20th century, former French colonies in the region have struggled to attain comparable levels of economic development. This article is an attempt to explain this variation in development through a cross‐national analysis of economic growth in East Asia for the period from 1970 to 2007. Results suggest that the underperformance of former French colonies is attributable to their inheritance of colonial institutions that have been unfavorable for domestic investment, international trade, and educational attainment. Overall, conclusions lend support for the idea that long‐term economic development should be understood in terms of path dependence, and that sustained economic growth requires a concerted effort to restructure growth‐adverse institutional arrangements.     

Everyone deserves quiche: French school lunch programmes and national culture in a globalized world

Globalization poses many challenges for national cultural unity, especially in Europe. Some doubt whether national cultures will be able to survive, but there are many counter‐trends pushing to maintain national cultural unity. I analyse the dual trends of global diversity and maintaining unity through an everyday manifestation of French culture: elementary school lunches. French school lunch programmes are part of the nation‐building process because they are designed to teach students how to eat, which is especially important in France where the art of gastronomy is a key source of identity and pride. I analyse cultural influences on over 11,000 school lunch menu items from eight municipalities across two French regions. I also conduct in‐depth face‐to‐face interviews with the people who design and approve school lunch menus. My inquiry is guided by three key questions. First, to what extent are foreign influences included? Second, does openness to foreign influences vary across different parts of France? Finally, how are foreign cultures represented? My results suggest that foreign cultures are deployed to nationalize difference. The limited foreign influences that appear in school lunches are strategically chosen to appeal to and to educate students, but in a way that reinforces the centrality of traditional French cultural norms. This article contributes to our understanding of the tension between national culture and a globalizing world.     

中东国家核选择动因比较

国家寻求核技术主要出于核武器和核民用两个目的，具有政治、安金和经济三重动因，核选择必须满足动因的需要才能够促进国家利益最大化。中东国家核选择动因不仅受到国内政治、经济、社会形势的影响，而且受地区和国际形势的影响。美国对中东国家核选择执行多重标准，中东国家采取了模糊、强硬与温和的核政策。伊朗核问题的曲折变化集中反映了伊朗核计划与其动机存在非契合性，当前正处于微妙的阶段。     

Commerce and Capitalism in Late Medieval England: Problems of Description and Theory*

Abstract Marx's account of the transition from feudalism to capitalism is usually handled too narrowly in discussions of the later Middle Ages. When its full scope is taken into account the period 1300–1530 is shown to be more a period of arrested development than one of critical importance. The period 1000–1300 showed a much greater shift towards capitalism. By implication, the transition needs analysing as a much longer process than most traditional accounts imply. The article also queries the coherence of accounts of late medieval change that refuse to give autonomous weight to declining population as a cause of social change.     

The politics of meaning: Modern Chinese nationalists’ efforts to redefine the English word “nation”

A semantic transformation of the English word “nation” has occurred in recent China. The once popular “ethnic group” connotation of “nation” has been dropped, while the “state-nation” connotation has become increasingly prominent. The change can be attributed to the efforts of Chinese intellectuals who wished to redefine the word—an endeavor which began nearly 100 years ago. The dynamics behind this redefinition has arisen from a nationalist desire to eliminate the threat to the territorial unity of China brought about by the idea of “national self-determination.” By manipulating the politics of meaning, that is, redefining “nation” as “state-nation,” Chinese intellectuals have eventually converted the original separatist slogan into a slogan of maintaining national unity.     

Social problem construction and national context: news reporting on "overweight" and "obesity" in the United States and France

Drawing on analyses of American and French news reports on "overweight" and "obesity," this article examines how national context—including position in a global field of nation states, as well as different national politics and culture—shapes the framing of social problems. As has been shown in previous research, news reports from France—the economically dominated but culturally dominant nation of the two—discuss the United States more often than vice versa, typically in a negative way. Our contribution is to highlight the flexibility of anti-American rhetoric, which provides powerful ammunition for a variety of social problem frames. Specifically, depending on elite interests, French news reports may invoke anti-American rhetoric to reject a given phenomenon as a veritable public problem, or they may use such rhetoric to drum up concern over an issue. We further show how diverse cultural factors shape news reporting. Despite earlier work showing that a group-based discrimination frame is more common in the United States than in France, we find that the U.S. news sample is no more likely to discuss weight-based discrimination than the French news sample. We attribute this to specific barriers to this particular framing, namely the widespread view that body size is a behavior, akin to smoking, rather than an ascribed characteristic, like race. This discussion points, more generally, to some of the mechanisms limiting the diffusion of frames across social problems.     

Agency of internal transnationalism in social memory

The article examines the limitations of methodological nationalism in the studies of social memory through a case study of memory of Stalinist repression in Belarus. It analyses how various social agencies – national and local activists, religious organisations, and international foundations – use the memory of repression for constructing post‐Soviet Belarusian identity by embedding their national representations in larger transnational frameworks. Drawing on the concept of ‘internal globalisation’, this article develops the idea of ‘internal transnationalism’ that suggests the importance of wider transnational configurations for the definition of nation. Internalized transnationalism does not make a national memory concept less nation‐centred, but it affects the choice of its cultural, political and civilizational framing. In contrast to methodological cosmopolitanism that implies rediscovering of the national as an internalized global, methodological transnationalism emphasizes the multiplicity of co‐existing transnational networks that can be invoked by social actors in their national mnemonic agenda. Using the case of the Kurapaty memorial site the article analyses how multiple framings of memory representations – the Belarusian national memory, liberal anti‐communist memory, contesting memories, such as Polish, Baltic and Jewish – compete and juxtapose in the space of social memory of political repression.     

法国在吉布提军事基地的绩效分析

海外军事基地是大国投射力量的"桥头堡"和干预地区事务的"前沿阵地"。本文以法国在吉布提的军事基地为案例,考察影响海外军事基地绩效的主要因素,认为法国在吉布提的军事基地持续一个半世纪,历经殖民时期、冷战时期与后冷战时期三个阶段,总体未受吉国内政治和地区格局变化的影响,其功能分别为"抗衡英国"、"力争成为美苏之外的‘第三支力量’"和"构建西方反恐、反海盗的平台"。吉布提在维护"危机弧"地区法国战略利益所发挥的支点作用、吉布提政府长期执行温和外交政策、其阿拉伯和非洲国家的双重身份以及其作为法国向阿拉伯—伊斯兰国家输出民主的"样板",成为法国在该国部署军事基地的主要原因;法国驻军所带来的财政收益和安全红利成为吉布提欢迎法国部署军事基地的主要原因。2011年中东剧变后,法国有望在多边框架下重返北非,从而将法国的土伦军事基地、北非的军事基地、吉布提军事基地和阿布扎比军事基地连为一体,确立在地中海—北非—红海—亚丁湾—海湾地区事务中的主导地位。     

'Where are the lesbians in Chaucer?' Lack, opportunity and female homoeroticism in Medieval Studies today

This article explores the study of lesbians in the Middle Ages and proposes that the unstable construct of lesbian poses a problem for traditional Medieval Studies that can lead to the development in Medieval Studies of more nuanced and productive theorizing.     

A century of mosques in France: building religious pluralism

The public debate in France has rolled out heatedly on the building of minarets, with opinion polls giving a majority of French opposed to the idea. Nevertheless, a fair number of mosques has been built throughout the past century. The French reception of mosques is therefore a complicated case. Recalling the history of French mosques and its different turns, with a focus on recent history, allows a glimpse at the visibility of Islam in the national sphere in France and its public reception. It also underlines that religious buildings, in the city, are at the intersection of different levels: questions of identity, of politics, of faith, and of integration, are all at stake.     

Ethno-cultural diversity and the limits of the inclusive nation

ABSTRACT

Migration is often said, in the public discourse, to pose a threat to the nation. Yet, Western societies are undergoing an irreversible demographic change spurred in great part by international migration. Thus, the question about how to reconcile nation and diversity remains of crucial importance for many countries. By focusing on the case of Italy, the article attends to this issue, by exploring the response of leftist political parties. We analyse parliamentary debates and laws related to immigration and integration issues (1986–2014), focusing specifically on the Turco-Napolitano Law (1998), possibly the most progressive legislative attempt at incorporating migrants into the Italian nation. Our analysis shows a clear incongruence between the pluralist rhetoric of the political left and its legislative acts on migrants’ national incorporation. This finding is used to reflect on the limits and possibilities of the very idea of inclusive nation in the age of migration.     

中东油气与中国石油发展的战略思考

在当前国际环境下,中国的石油安全战略应是开放和外向型的,其核心思想是“保内争外”,即中国政府应进一步加强对中国石油企业参与国际能源合作的宏观指导和支持;中国石油企业应加强国内油气资源的可持续开发和利用,坚持开展国际能源合作,直面国际博弈。中东国家油气资源丰富,且与中国关系友好,应是中国石油企业对外开展能源合作的首选地区。     

Mythscapes: memory,mythology, and national identity

In this paper I seek to challenge the dominant modes of conceiving the relationship between memory and national identity, and in so doing offer analysts of nationalism an improved understanding of the dynamics of national identity formation. The concept of collective memory is invoked regularly in attempts to explain the pervasiveness and power of nationalism. I argue that the concept is misused routinely in this context, and instead I employ a 'social agency' approach to theorizing, whereby memory is conceived in a more limited and cogent manner. I argue that it is important to distinguish clearly between memory and mythology, both of which are essential to understanding national identity, for not only are the two concepts distinct, they can also act in opposition to each other. Following from this I introduce the notion of a 'mythscape', the temporally and spatially extended discursive realm in which the myths of the nation are forged, transmitted, negotiated, and reconstructed constantly. Through employing the idea of a mythscape we can relate memory and mythology to each other in a theoretically profitable way.     

Israel in the Poconos: simulating the nation in a Zionist summer camp

This article develops a theory of simulation as a nation building mechanism by exploring the production of national belonging in Massad, a Jewish-American summer camp that operated in the Pocono Mountains, Pennsylvania, between 1941 and 1981. Trying to inspire campers to Zionism, the camp organizers shaped Massad as a “mini Israel.” This simulation engendered national attachments by lending credence to the belief that others, in Israel, experience more authentic national belonging. Rather than tempting campers to imagine the nation as a “horizontal camaraderie” (Anderson 1991), national simulations allow members to account for their distinct and often ambivalent position from within the nation. From this perspective, nation building is not simply a matter of relativizing internal differences and dramatizing differences between the groups that make up the nation and “outsiders.” Instead, nation building also is centrally a matter of creating institutional routines and practices that allow members to account for their differential position from within the nation.     

National Symbols and National Identity: Currency and Constructing Cosmopolitans in Tunisia

This article examines the imagery on Tunisian banknotes and its role in constructing a state-sponsored vision of Tunisian national identity. In addition to analyzing the currency itself, the article embeds the symbols used on the money in a social and historical context by looking at other public uses of the historical figures pictured and drawing on ethnographic work conducted in Tunisia. The article suggests that the banknotes must be seen as part of a larger discourse about the nature of Tunisian identity. In particular, this discourse focuses on Tunisia as a cosmopolitan nation that is open to the modern world and posits that this openness is rooted in its history. Although the currency suggests the co-presence of modernity and tradition, tradition is relegated to the rural margins while the urban centers are celebrated as the modern future. Beyond looking at the historical figures represented, the article examines historical absences. Most notably, there are no pre-modern Arab figures on the banknotes, which reflects an ambivalent relationship with an Arab identity. This ambivalence is also reflected in the usages of French and Arabic, which tend to naturalize French in a manner not found in other North African currency.     

The Roma Voice in the European Union: Between National Belonging and Transnational Identity

This article examines the response of Roma activists to the Italian Roma crisis in 2007 and 2008. The Roma community has become targets of discriminatory policies in Italy, such as forced evictions and ethnic profiling by the authorities, which construct Roma as distinct from the Italian nation. Roma activists increasingly circumvent national political structures and instead regard the European Union (EU) as an ally in redressing discriminatory policies in member states. In the absence of a kin state to lobby and advocate on their behalf, Roma activists, working in the transnational political context, articulate their voice and demands to the institutions of the EU. In doing so, they construct a transnational identity which on the one hand reifies Roma to a homogeneous group, whilst on the other hand contributes to the idea that Roma are not a constitutive component of the dominant nation. This article uses the Italian Roma crisis as a particular episode in which transnational Roma activists responded to a nationally based crisis and explores the impact of this on issues of national belonging.     

Building inclusive nations in the age of migration

Nation and diversity are often cast in oppositional terms. The present joint intervention explores the limits and possibilities of what we call ‘inclusive nation’, i.e. a nation which embraces rather than expunging diversity. To reflect on this idea, the Loughborough University Nationalism Network (LUNN) organized a symposium, bringing together both academics and relevant stakeholders, to explore both theoretically and practically the feasibility of the inclusive nation. For reason of space, here we present only the theoretical views of academics. While Billig and Yuval-Davis highlight the inherent exclusive thrust of nationalism, Kaufmann and Hearn suggest two distinct ways to move away the traditional understanding of nationalism as a site of singularity, oppression and exclusion. A final rejoinder by Nyhagen pushes the debate further interrogating the boundaries of national belonging.     

Interrogating the tribal: the aporia of ‘tribalism’ in the sociological study of the Middle East

In this paper, we intend to deconstruct the term ‘tribalism’ as a colonial category, which figures as a prominent concept in social studies on Kurds as well as the Middle East at large. Blithely used, tribalism has occupied a central place, especially in the existing scholarship on Kurdistan. Some earlier anthropological works have gone so far as to regard tribalism as the ‘DNA’ of Middle Eastern people. Drawing on recent studies on Latin America, Africa and Central Asia, we argue that the use of tribalism as if it is the natural constitution of Kurdish society has caused a significant misrepresentation and oversimplification of socio‐political life in Kurdistan as well as the broader Middle East. In a way, the existing body of scholarship on this region has reproduced statist‐nationalist discourses at the expense of dominated communities (e.g., Kurds). The historical context of both colonial powers and nation‐states ‘combating tribes and tribalism’ coincided with the emergence of the discourse of racial biopolitics. Thus, the use of the term tribalism to define certain nations or ethnic groups should not be viewed as merely an application of socio‐anthropological categories. Hence, we argue that the ethical aspects and implications of the use of tribalism by both colonial powers and later by nation‐states to define certain ethnic groups must not be overlooked.