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1.
Although Combs and Welch reported a trend of decreasing racialdifference in abortion attitudes, Hall and Ferree used datafrom the 1982 General Social Survey to argue that racial differencewere not declining. This paper updates this debate through the1988 General Social Survey and concludes that racial differenceshave indeed declined over time. Morever, when new religiousitems introduced in the 1984 survey are included in the multivariateanalysis, blacks are not significantly different from whitesin their support of legal abortion. This finding obscures amore intersting pattern, however, of offsetting, statisticallysignificant racial differences among respondents of the samegender—black men are significantly less supportive ofa abortion than white men, and black women are significantlymore supportive than white women.  相似文献   

2.
Motivated by existing work that explores the impact of urbanization and spatial segregation on occupational outcomes, we utilize General Social Survey data from 1990 to 2006 to investigate the interrelationships among race, urbanization, and occupation. Our results indicate that white professionals are associated with several levels of urbanization, while black professionals are weakly associated with any level of urbanization. We also explore other dimensions of stratification by including education and gender into our analyses. Our findings suggest that the relationship between occupation and urbanization is highly complex with some distinctive patterns, and that education—the great equalizer—only partially ameliorates racial and gender differences.  相似文献   

3.
Race Differences in Abortion Attitudes   总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3  
Abstract Public opinion surveys since 1965 find that black respondentsare less in favor of legal abortion than white respondents.Using the 1982 NORC General Social Survey, we replicate andexpand one of the few studies (Combs and Welch, 1982) that examinedthe structure and determinants of prochoice attitudes of blacksand whites. Our major findings are (1) the racial differencein prochoice attitude is as great in 1982 as in the 1970s, (2)contrary to the suggestion of Combs and Welch, the demographicand attitudinal determinants of abortion attitudes differ forblacks and for whites, and (3) for those respondents who differentiatetheir acceptance of legal abortion, the pattern of prochoiceattitudes also differs by race.  相似文献   

4.
This study examines the determinants of Americans’ subjective class identities, using General Social Survey data from 2006. In particular, this study addresses the question of whether individuals’ objective class positions, including wealth, account for differences in class identification between whites and blacks. The principal finding is that self‐identified blacks have lower odds of identifying as middle class or upper class than self‐identified whites, net of their objective class positions and their class origins. This finding suggests that the class identities of blacks are shaped by experiences of racial discrimination or by other elements of racial inequality.  相似文献   

5.
Abstract

A perennial issue in both rural and urban sociology has been whether or not size of place is associated with differences in the way that individuals relate to one another. This paper examines the relationship between size of place and the structural properties of personal social networks through the mediating effects of residential stability. Social network data from the General Social Survey (National Opinion Research Center 1990) provide support for the hypothesis that residential stability explains the association between size of place and social network density. The implications of these findings for community theory are discussed.  相似文献   

6.
Abstract Students of the South have postulated that southern distinctiveness is eroding. Using General Social Survey data for 1972–1991, the convergence hypothesis is tested for regular church attendance. Regional convergence is found, but only for the rural South. Also, narrowing of regional differences in church attendance is especially pronounced among the young, indicating that the convergence is likely to continue. Despite these results, present church attendance levels remain significantly higher in the South than in the non South.  相似文献   

7.
Employee absenteeism costs the U.S. economy billions of dollars each year. Recent research finds that workplace characteristics are important predictors, yet variation remains by racial identity. Less is known about the reasons multiracial workers miss work. With data from the 2014 General Social Survey, we test a contact hypothesis and a depletion hypothesis. The findings support the depletion hypothesis. Multiracial workers are likely feeling cognitively taxed from comparatively more interracial interaction in the workplace, resulting in their higher rate of employee absenteeism. Given that the number of multiracial individuals living and working in the United States is expected to grow substantially over the next decade, understanding the factors that explain their work behavior may be beneficial to all social groups.  相似文献   

8.
In order to explain persistent racial inequality, researchers have posited that black Americans receive fewer job benefits from their social networks because of their reluctance to provide assistance to others who are looking for work. We test this idea on a national scale using geo‐coded data from the General Social Survey. Our results show that, on average, blacks offer more frequent job‐finding assistance to their friends than do whites. However, additional analyses reveal that race‐based job‐finding assistance is context dependent, as blacks living in areas characterized by concentrated black poverty have lower odds of helping others search for jobs than members of other races and in other community contexts.  相似文献   

9.
Data from the General Social Survey suggest that conservatives have become less trustful of scientists since the 1970s. Gauchat argues that this is because conservatives increasingly see scientific findings as threatening to their worldview. However, the General Social Survey data concern trust in scientists, not in science. We suggest that conservatives’ diminishing trust in scientists reflects the fact that scientists in certain fields, particularly social science, have increasingly adopted a liberal-activist stance, seeking to influence public policy in a liberal direction.  相似文献   

10.
According to Kristin Luker, at the heart of an individual person's beliefs concerning abortion lies a cherished, taçit, and essentially coherent world view. While Luker used the in-depth interview as a way to explore this otherwise unexamined phenomenon, this study attempts to replicate and analyze her implied theory by using a statistical methodology. By drawing on several variables found in 1990 General Social Survey data, Luker's conception of world view is operationalized in the data through both a linear regression model and a factor analysis model and compared with respondents’views on abortion. Both models are found to support Luker's hypothesis, as a clear association between world view and abortion beliefs is established.  相似文献   

11.
In this article we posit that racial discrimination is not uniform across the U.S. labor market. While it is likely that patterns of racial discrimination occur in some types of jobs more than others, little empirical research has examined the effect of race across segmented labor markets. Incorporating two decades of comparable General Social Survey data, this article revisits William J. Wilson's hypothesis that the significance of race in determining labor market outcomes is declining. We examine the effect of race within two dissimilar labor segments over time, dividing the labor market into technique‐versus social‐skills‐oriented segments. Using this theoretically useful dichotomy, we examine if the net effect of race (African American and white men) on occupational prestige has declined from the 1970s to the 1990s. Our multivariate analysis shows that the net effect of race is different in each labor market. This suggests that racial discrimination against African Americans is not uniform across the entire labor market, but instead is differentiately manifested within various labor market segments. Overall, our findings partially support Wilson's thesis indicating that while the effect of race is no longer a significant indicator of occupational prestige by the 1990s in a technique‐oriented job segment, it remains a significant predictive variable within a social‐skills‐oriented job segment, even when controlling for a range of social class and structural variables.  相似文献   

12.
This study investigates the role of race and ethnicity in the self-reported strength of the social ties of young adolescents on Facebook. Based on the social diversification hypothesis, which argues that in multicultural societies, race and ethnicity are key factors that shape the nature of associations, we examine whether there are ethnic and racial differences in the size and strength of the ties of adolescent Facebook users and the role of the strength of these ties in several positive outcomes. Using data from the U.S. Teens’ Social Media and Privacy Survey conducted by the Pew Research Center’s Internet & American Life project among 802 teens ages 12–17, we found no differences in the total number of ties that adolescents from different ethnic and racial groups reported. However, African Americans reported significantly higher number of weak ties, while White Americans had a significantly higher number of strong ties. The results are consistent with the social diversification hypothesis. The implications of the findings are discussed.  相似文献   

13.
Research generally indicates that public employees "talk thetalk," but do they also "walk the walk" of the public servicemotive (PSM)? Are public service employees more likely thanothers to engage in public service activities? The behavioralimplications of PSM are addressed by studying the involvementin charitable activities of public, nonprofit, and private workers.Using data from the 2002 General Social Survey, multivariatelogistic regression models are estimated to examine self-reportedgifts of time, blood, and money to charitable organizations.It is found that government employees are more likely to volunteerfor charity and to donate blood than for-profit employees are.Additionally, nonprofit workers are also more likely than theirfor-profit counterparts to volunteer. However, no differenceis found among public service and private employees in termsof individual philanthropy. These findings generally lend supportfor the hypothesis that PSM is more prominent in public servicethan in private organizations, especially as it pertains togovernment personnel.  相似文献   

14.
The Measurement of Values in Surveys: A Comparison of Ratings and Rankings   总被引:6,自引:0,他引:6  
Social values are most commonly measured using ranking techniques,but there is a scarcity of systematic comparisons between rankingsand other approaches to measuring values in survey research.On the basis of data from the 1980 General Social Survey, thisarticle evaluates the comparability of results obtained usingrankings and ratings of valued qualities. The comparison focuseson (1) the ordering of aggregate value preferences and (2) themeasurement of individual differences in latent value preferences.The two methods are judged to be similar with respect to orderingthe aggregate preferences of the sample, but dissimilar withregard to the latent variable structure underlying the measures  相似文献   

15.
Washington ( 2008 ) finds that daughters promote liberal voting (at least with respect to women's issues) among U.S. Congress members and attributes this finding to socialization. However, daughters’ influence could manifest differently for elite politicians and the general citizenry either due to self‐selection or the Trivers‐Willard hypothesis, which suggests that parents invest differently in male and female children depending on their social status. Using nationally representative data from the General Social Survey, this study asks whether biological daughters affect political party identification, traditional views of women, or opinions about abortion and teen sex. We find that female offspring promote identification with the more conservative Republican Party, but this effect depends on social status. There is no evidence that daughters promote liberal views of women and less consistent evidence that they influence views of abortion or teen sex. Overall, evidence supports the Trivers‐Willard hypothesis, but with a more complex interaction by social status.  相似文献   

16.
Following a review of the history and sources of socioeconomic indexes for occupations, we estimate a new set of indexes for 1990 Census occupation lines, based on relationships between the prestige ratings obtained by Nakao and Treas in the 1989 General Social Survey and characteristics of occupational incumbents in the 1990 Census. We also investigate theoretical and empirical relationships among socioeconomic and prestige indexes, using data from the 1994 General Social Survey. Many common occupations, especially those held by women, do not fit the typical relationships among prestige, education, and earnings. The fit between prestige and socioeconomic characteristics of occupations can be improved by statistical transformation of the variables. However, in rudimentary models of occupational stratification, prestige-validated socioeconomic indexes are of limited value. They give too much weight to occupational earnings, and they ignore intergenerational relationships between occupational education and occupational earnings. Levels of occupational education appear to define the main dimension of occupational persistence across and within generations. We conclude that composite indexes of occupational socioeconomic status are scientifically obsolete.  相似文献   

17.
In this work I argue that the study of deviance as distinct from crime is no longer a productive specialty in sociology. I attribute the cause of the demise of the field to its over reliance on the assumption of cultural relativity. In contrast to the relativist position, I argue that behavior that causes harm will be more likely to be condemned by public opinion and that there will be less variation in attitudes toward behaviors that cause more harm. Using data from the General Social Survey, I find support for the hypothesis that a “deviant” sexual behavior that can have a victim, extramarital sex, will be more consensually condemned than “deviant” sexual behaviors that do not have victims, premarital sex and homosexual sex. I recommend that future research focus on the study of values, as the validity of cultural relativity can be empirically evaluated.  相似文献   

18.
Numerous studies have shown that cohabitors are less likely to pool their money than married couples. The authors raise the question of whether the marriage–cohabitation gap in money pooling varies according to the level of institutionalization of cohabitation in the society. They compared 2 Canadian regions with very different demographic regimes. The francophone province Québec has the highest proportion of cohabiting couples in the world, whereas the levels of cohabitation are moderate in other Canadian provinces. Moreover, the 2 regions differ in their legal systems (civil code vs. common law) and legal regulation of cohabitation. Using data from the Canadian 2011 General Social Survey (N = 9,852), the authors found that cohabitors in both regions are less likely to pool their money together. Nevertheless, they did not confirm the hypothesis that the marriage–cohabitation gap is smaller in Québec despite the higher levels of institutionalization of cohabitation in this region.  相似文献   

19.
本文利用2005年中国综合社会调查数据(CGSS2005),描述并分析中国人是否卷入民事纠纷并采取行动,以及如何行动的决定因素。我们特别关注的是社会阶层属性的影响力。研究表明,中国不同的社会阶层在对民事纠纷如何反应上存在着显著的差异。统治精英相对来说更少依赖政府渠道而更多诉诸法律途径来解决纠纷。中下层社会阶层成员更多地信赖政府渠道,把日常纠纷诉诸政府。没有确凿证据表明中产阶级更多地利用法律解决民事纠纷。此外,教育也是决定人们如何对民事纠纷采取行动的重要因素:受过更多教育的人,更少把问题诉诸政府渠道而更多地把纠纷诉诸法律途径。基于这些经验研究,我们进一步探讨了转型时期中国社会分化的法律涵义,并认为对中产阶级兴起的法治意义应当抱谨慎的乐观态度。  相似文献   

20.
《Social Networks》1987,9(1):63-73
There is very little network data missing on respondents to the 1985 General Social Survey. Missing data on relations between discussion patterns pose the greatest problem but the unknown relations are strongly associated with relations known to be weak. The association between missing and weak relations remains strong after controls for the number, strength, and nature of a respondent's discussion relations. Moreover, the association remains strong across different kinds of respondents despite significant tendencies for certain kinds of respondents to have provided incomplete network data. The implication is that the missing network data can be replaced with quantitative data indicating a weak relation.  相似文献   

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