Union loyalty antecedents: A justice perspective

Using a justice perspective, this study investigates the relationship between union instrumentality and union loyalty in terms of union ability to address both outcome-based and process-based membership concerns. The results of hierarchical regression analysis using a sample of 451 train crew members from four railroads showed that member satisfaction with outcome-based concerns (i.e., pay, time spent away from home, safety climate) did not significantly affect union loyalty, but that member satisfaction with process-based concerns (i.e., effectiveness of the grievance procedure and satisfaction with communication from national union leaders) was significantly related to union loyalty. Moreover, process-based concerns explained additional variance in union loyalty beyond that accounted for by outcome-based concerns. Results are discussed in light of the justice and human resource literatures.     

Women Working in a Greedy Institution: Commitment and Emotional Labour in the Union Movement

This paper seeks to move beyond the restrictions of limited representations of women's participation in the union movement. Through a focus on the union movement as a ‘greedy institution’, it is argued that women's union involvement requires complex and dynamic negotiations with its gendered discourses and practices. As a greedy institution, the union movement demands considerable depth of commitment and loyalty, as well as high levels of work and emotional labour. Based on a study of a network of women union officials, this paper discusses the ways women interpret three main aspects of trade union work: commitment, workload and emotional labour. I argue that the strategies the women officials employ do not remain static within a limited frame of gender difference from men. Rather, they must engage with the effects of male dominance of the union movement as well as the difficulties associated with union activism, family, service to members, leadership, and care in order to take up the political opportunities available in this greedy institution.     

Union membership and perceived powerlessness in southern US textiles*

Using Marxist, mass society, organizational, and social movements literatures, we distinguish alternative accounts of the relationship between union membership and perceived powerlessness. Then, we illustrate the distinctions with survey data on southern US textile workers. Logistic and ordinary least squares regression analyses suggest two interpretations for this group of workers: union membership influences perceived powerlessness by providing members a responsive organization that contrasts with their lack of control in the workplace; and perceived powerlessness, when combined with endorsement of collective strategies for change, encourages union membership. In the southern textile case, we find that race is associated with specific ideological leanings regarding collective strategies. The location of our sample, its particular position in the political economy of the US, and the relative immaturity of its union allow for instructive comparisons with other sociological treatments of work attitudes and collective action.     

Members Participation in the Union: An Investigation of Some Determinants in Singapore

Data obtained from unionized employees inSingapore (N = 205) were used to investigate Strauss(1977) suggestion that union participation studies befitted into the general theories of role and commitment. Hierarchical regression analysis was used toexamine the contribution of role commitment variables(family and union) net of demographic, job or work andunion-related variables to the explained variance in a unidimensional model of unionparticipation. The model accounted for 43%(R²) of the explained variance inparticipation with the role commitment antecedent setcontributing a modest 5% (R²). The significant positive individual variableswere union satisfaction, union commitment, union tenure,and gender while union socialization and marital statuspositively, and family commitment negatively approached significance. Extrinsic satisfactionwas significantly negatively related to participation.Limitations of the study, directions for future researchand the implications of the findings arediscussed.     

Union activity and the decline in American trade union membership

This paper extends recent research on the determinants of the decline in union membership in the United States. Using biennial state-level data for a set of years between 1958 and 1982, my model tests “union organizing,” “structural,” “management opposition,” and “public policy” hypotheses concerning union membership and suggests improved specifications of each of these hypotheses. The paper also examines the relative importance of each factor in explaining the decline in unionization. The results support each of the hypotheses and confirm previous findings that changes in the structure of the labor force are most important in explaining union membership decline.     

How employee involvement affects union commitment

I assess how employee involvement programs affect union commitment attitudes. Analysis of 229 survey responses indicates that participation attitudes have no effect on union commitment levels; previous participation has a positive effect; and organizational commitment has a negative effect. A similar pattern was observed on four subscales of union commitment: union loyalty, responsibility to the union, willingness to work for the union, and belief in unionism. I thank the employees, the unions, and the company at which this study was conducted. Also, I am grateful to suggestions and comments made by participants in the American University Department of Management Research Series. Finally, a word of thanks to Tom Case, Gordon Henry, David Jacobs, and Tom Vonk for their comments on earlier drafts of this paper.     

The Relationship Between Work-Life Policies and Practices and Employee Loyalty:A Life Course Perspective

Using a representative sample of 3,381 American workers, this study investigates relationships among work/life policies, informal support, and employee loyalty over the life course (defined by age and parental status and age of youngest child). The central thesis is that our understanding of the impact of work/life policies on employee loyalty will be enriched by consideration of the non-work and work contexts that influence employee attitudes and behavior. The relationship between employee child care policies and loyalty varies for women and men at different stages of parenthood. Flexible-time policies have a consistent, positive association with employee loyalty with some variation based on life stage. Informal support (via supervisors and co-workers) has the greatest positive relationship with employee loyalty.     

Activism and Willingness to Help in Union Organizing: Who Are the Activists?

Research on union renewal often cites a critical role for lay activism. This study examines determinants of activism and activism intentions among a broadly representative sample of U.S. union members. Hypotheses are developed from theory and previous research on union commitment and participation. Results for current activism are generally consistent with prior work. Extending the model to future intentions to help with organizing, an interesting contrast is that pro-union attitude influences appear much more important than do union instrumentality perceptions. This suggests that “covenant” rather than “exchange” concerns are more salient for this form of activism. Findings for ideological orientation support this interpretation.     

Outsourcing and union power

The outsourcing of union work and jobs either diffuses or diminishes union membership, depending on perspective and situation. The correlation of trends in union membership to trends in union power, while less than perfect, has until recently been relatively strong over the past sixteen years. The fact that as diverse a sample of unions as AFSCME, SEIU, and UAW have chosen to make outsourcing a prominent labor/public relations issue suggests that the correlation continues to be perceived by the union movement to be significant, notwithstanding the efforts of the “new” leadership of the AFL-CIO to break that link with respect to union political power by “taxing” member unions and their members to contribute both money and militancy to the 1996 election cycle. Although outsourcing may lead only to the diffusion of union membership either within or between unions, as opposed to the diminution of union membership, this fact has not received a great deal of attention. The net effect on total union membership of outsourcing from one union employer to another union employer is unclear, although the effect on the membership of the union at the outsourcing employer is not. The redistribution of membership within a union as a result of outsourcing is likely to have little immediate impact on union power. However, as even the best case scenario presented above suggests, it may have significant long-run deleterious effects on union bargaining power by taking labor out of a sheltered market and putting it into potentially competitive market. This is particularly likely to be the case when outsourcing (1) places the outsourced work into a different industry or wage contour and (2) creates the possibility of moving from sole-source to multiplesource supplier arrangements. The redistribution of membership between unions as a result of outsourcing is unlikely to have a major impact on union power broadly defined. It can have, however, serious deleterious effects in terms of the power of an individual union, as suggested in my “competitive case” scenario. The fact that one union’s losses due to outsourcing may be another union’s gain is of little consolation to the losing union. That act, in and of itself, may make the threat of outsourcing a potential union “Achilles heel” at the bargaining table by placing it into competition with some other, perhaps unknown, union as well as possibly nonunion competition. The most obvious threat to union power comes from outsourcing that diminishes union membership overall by transferring jobs from union to nonunion employers. The willingness and ability of employers to move work/jobs entirely out of the orbit of union control constitutes, in terms of power and particularly union bargaining power, a revisitation of the phenomenon of the “runaway shop.” It may also be viewed as a proactive form of hiring permanent replacements for (potentially) striking workers. The union options in dealing with such a challenge are to endeavor to preclude outsourcing through legislation or collective bargaining or to chase the work by organizing the unorganized, hopefully with the help of the unionized outsourcing employer. Neither option may be easy, but as the 1996 auto industry negotiations suggest, the former may be less difficult than the latter. The possibility that outsourcing from union to nonunion employer may provide unions with the power to organize from the top (outsourcer) down (outsourcee) cannot be entirely ignored as the issue of supplier “neutrality” reportedly was raised in the 1996 auto negotiations. The adverse effects of outsourcing on union political and financial power, by virtue of its impact on the level or distribution of union membership, can and may well be offset by an increase in union activism—as measured by dues levels, merger activity, organizing commitment, and political action. The adverse effects of outsourcing on union bargaining power are more problematical from the union standpoint. The effect of outsourcing, whatever its rationale or scenario, appears to be to put union labor back into competition. Thus, outsourcing constitutes yet another challenge to the labor movement in its ongoing and seemingly increasingly unsuccessful battle to take and keep U.S. union labor out of competition by proving itself able and willing to organize to the extent of the market and standardizing wages in that market.     

Member support for union mergers: An analysis of an affiliation referendum

A changing labor relations climate has caused many national unions to merge with smaller independent unions in recent years. One aspect of the merger process concerns the willingness of independent union members to support affiliation with a national union (Chaison, 1986). This article examines the determinants of indivudual-level voting behavior using data gathered from members of an independent union who rejected a proposed affiliation with a national union in a membership referendum. Logistic regression results indicate that affiliation supporters perceived the affiliation as improving union effectiveness, were influenced by social support among co-workers in favor of the merger, and perceived the saliency of the independent union’s support for the affiliation proposal. Conversely, affiliation opposition was influenced by the employer’s “vote no” campaign and by perceptions that affiliation would lead to an increased probability of strikes and to future increases in dues.     

Union use of employee pension funds: Introduction and overview

Summary and Conclusions A case can be made that labor unions are seeking to gain control of the financial leverage of employee pension funds as a means of offsetting a secular decline in membership which has occurred over the past twenty years and which has been accelerating. Pension fund assets are now substantial and are growing very rapidly so that even partial or indirect influence over investment policies could have major impacts on the economy. Unions have already achieved success on a limited scale with the pension fund weapon. Their intention to achieve widespread influence through this vehicle is signalled by the establishment in January, 1981, of a monthly newsletter,Labor & Investments which is devoted exclusively to the union use of employee pension funds. In sum, it is clear that the union use of employee pension funds is a very timely and significant topic. The papers that follow may not provide definitive answers to the many questions produced by this new initiative, but they do enhance our understanding of the issues involved.     

Union commitment and membership support for political action: An exploratory analysis

Union political activity has always been controversial, even among union members. Research has shown that a sizable minority of union members question the propriety of union political involvement and disagree with union leaders on public policy issues. It has also shown, however, that union members’ commitment to the union may be positively associated with members’ political support. This study extends this research by statistically estimating the relationship between union commitment and members’ support for their national union’s political involvement. Based on the questionnaire responses of several hundred local union members, the findings support a positive relationship between union commitment and political support. The authors wish to thank John Delaney and Cynthia Fisher and an anonymous referee for their comments on an earlier draft of the paper. They also wish to thank the numerous union participants in the study.     

Union membership,economic rents,and migration behavior

This study represents an extension of the human capital paradigm as it relates to an individual’s decision to migrate. It differs from previous studies by incorporating union membership, a labor market variable, into the model. In effect, the National Labor Relations Act of 1935 granted a monopoly bargaining position to unions. The theoretical implication of a union’s monopoly bargaining position is that union wage levels will increase relative to nonunion wages. The increase of relative wages results in union membership granting a property right that possesses positive net present value and hence reduces an employed union member’s probability of migrating. Additionally, the supra-competitive remuneration of union members results in a surplus of labor supplied to union firms. Employers respond by using quality screening to hire workers from the larger labor pool. As a result, unemployed union members will on average possess higher levels of human capital, which will increase their probability of migrating above that of their unemployed nonunion cohorts.     

The different meanings of corruption in the context of the Teamsters Union

Conclusion  TDU’s poor showing in the conventions misrepresented the attitudes of the union’s membership. This fact became clear after the government reached a court-monitored settlement to its RICO suit of the union. The settlement changed the political dynamics within the union, most importantly by providing for the direct election of national leadership. The new rules, combined with a factional split among the incumbents, allowed an insurgent slate, supported by TDU, to win the election in 1991. With a plurality of the membership’s votes, Ron Carey, a self-proclaimed reformer, became president of the union. I thank Bruce Kaufman, John Remington, Catherine Rios, Leah Vosko, Clifford Doerksen, and Robert Gregg for their help in reading this work and their many useful comments and suggestions.     

Union attainment of first contracts: Do service unions possess a competitive advantage?

This study examines differences between service and manufacturing unions with respect to first contract attainment and organizing efficiency. Service unions were found to have a higher first-contract attainment rate, larger election units, and longer campaigns. For cases where the union attained a first contract, there was no difference in efficiency between service and manufacturing unions. However, service unions enjoyed an advantage over manufacturing unions when overall organizing efficiency was examined. This paper is based on data collected for a dissertation written at the Graduate School of Business at Columbia University. I gratefully acknowledge the support of committee members David Lewin, James Kuhn, Casey Ichniowski, and Seymour Spilerman of Columbia and Charles A. O’Reilly III of the University of California at Berkeley. I also thank John Delaney for his many helpful insights and suggestions during the course of my research and Gerald Ferris, Shannon Ratcliff, and Rick Fuentes for comments on an earlier draft of this paper. This research was supported by the Industrial Relations Research Center and the Management Institute at Columbia University, and the Department of Management at Texas A&M University.     

Union wage differentials for covered members and nonmembers in Great Britain

I present the first longitudinal estimates of covered union member and covered nonmember wage differentials in Great Britain. Crosssectional estimates show that covered union members receive a premium of about 10 percent over other workers, but covered nonmembers have no significant wage differential. Longitudinal estimates that accounted for fixed effects, selectivity, and measurement error indicated that OLS estimates are downward biased. The “true” union wage differential is likely about 30–35 percent. There is a large negative selection effect to union membership. No robust estimate could be found for covered nonmembers. This paper has benefited from conversations with Martyn Andrews, Wiji Arulampalam, Alison Booth, Tim Hatton, John Hutton, George Jakubson, Costas Meghir, and Andrew Oswald. Alison Booth kindly made extensive comments on an earlier draft, which greatly improved the exposition. John Budd, Hank Farber, and Larry Katz directed me towards related work in the U.S. I am also grateful to seminar participants at the University of York University of Essex, and the CEPR Workshop on Labour Market Issues. Thanks to the ESRC Data Archive for supplying the Family Expenditure Survey (FES) data. All data, computer programs, and results alluded to in the text are available on request. The British Household Panel Study (BHPS) and FES data are available from the ESRC Data Archive at the University of Essex. The Panel Study of Manufacturing Establishments (PSME) data are available from the author on request.     

An Analysis of Labor Union Participation in U.S. Congressional Hearings

Using both a new data set of labor union appearances in congressional hearings and archival data on union organizational resources, this article analyzes factors that determine whether a labor union will be represented in congressional hearing testimony in a given year. Consistent with the expectations of resource mobilization theory, organizational resources are important predictors of participation in congressional hearings. For example, membership is an important predictor of testimony in hearings, as is the number of lobbyists on staff and the character of a union's primary industry. However, membership in the AFL‐CIO federation is negatively related to hearing participation, and some of the benefits of having a large membership base may be diminishing over time. Implications for the study of interest group politics and organizational political strategies are discussed.     

Sustaining and Developing Women's Trade Union Activism: A Gendered Project?

Against the background of heavy membership decline, the increasing importance of women as a source of members for unions and union efforts to attract women into membership, this paper explores the nature of women's union activism. The focus is on why women stay active in unions. The paper employs Klandermans' model as a framework for examining senior union women's activism. This study suggests that the model is gendered in that women's experiences and perceptions of trade unions are highly gender specific and further that their union activities are underpinned by a feminist paradigm. The women in the study expressed a strong desire to ensure that the union works for women, indicative of the gendered nature of their commitment to the union. They revealed gendered bargaining priorities and thus gendered perceptions of union instrumentality. Their social integration within the union is shown to be highly or partially contingent upon, formal and informal women's support networks.     

Membership and wage impact of right-to-work laws

This paper examines the effects of “Right-to-Work” laws on union membership and on the earnings of union and nonunion members. Using regression analysis, we find that once the simultaneous equations bias between the degree of unionization and RTW laws is eliminated, RTW laws have no statistically significant influence on union membership. Similarly, using a human-capital earnings model, we find that RTW laws have no significant influence on the wages of all workers, union workers, or nonunion workers. However, we did find evidence that such laws may promote aggressive union wage policies resulting in a larger union/nonunion relative wages advantage in RTW states than in non-RTW states.