The Global Uprising of Labour? The Korean Labour Movement and Neoliberal Social Corporatism

The role of organized labour as expression of dissent or social resistance to neoliberal economic globalization has attracted increasing scholarly interest. Several writers have argued that we are witnessing the emergence of a ‘global uprising of labour’. In particular, reference is made to the labour movements of the industrializing semiperiphery, such as South Korea, South Africa, and Brazil, which are argued to show a way forward for the labour movements of the North. Such analysis as above, however, focuses on only one aspect of labour movements at the expense of their larger historical context and position within the capitalist world system. By privileging the strictly ‘global’ level of analysis, it ignores a key transformation in the nature of national state-society configurations in the semiperiphery, i.e. the general trend towards both democratization and neoliberal restructuring. Through examining the case of South Korea, I argue that the transition from developmental authoritarianism to neoliberal democracy has dramatically narrowed the terrain from which militant unionism might be expected to emerge. Since the 1980s, the Korean labour movement has undergone a transformation from a militant and almost revolutionary movement, to being co-opted, albeit imperfectly, into the new capitalist democracy. Thus, the threat of neoliberal restructuring has led not to resistance but to labour to seeking a role as responsible partner to government and business in pseudo-social corporatism forums, despite the fact the striking thing about Korean industrial relations is the absolute absence of prerequisites for such a system of social agreement politics. This co-optation reflects general political conditions in the semiperiphery, where simultaneous processes of democratization and neoliberal restructuring have made the assumption of unified resistance to globalization more problematic.     

Globalization or glocalization? Community care in Taiwan and Britain

The initial fascination in the west with the economic achievements of the East Asian 'tiger economies' led to an increasing interest in their social welfare regimes. Theorizing on wide-scale socio-economic change might suggest that in occidental and oriental welfare regimes a process of convergence is underway, as a result of competitive pressures generated by the global economy and as part of the diffusion of social welfare discourses worldwide. A particular case of possible convergence, namely community care policies in Taiwan and Britain in the 1990s, is identified. However, despite superficial similarities in policy and practice developments a more careful examination suggests that, whilst they may be infused with similar rhetoric, the context and content of policy and practice in each country is radically different. This suggests the possibility that whilst the global economy will continue to act as a major constraint on social welfare development, with welfare discourses becoming increasingly globalized, the policy and practice which emerges will continue to be inflected by national contexts and mediated by existing country-specific institutional arrangements; a process of glocalization rather than globalization. Die anfängliche Faszination der ökonomischen Erfolge der ostasiatischen 'Tigerstaaten' auf den Westen hat zu einem verstärkten Interesse an ihrem sozialen und wohlfahrtsstaatlichen Regime geführt. Eine Theoretisierung der großformatigen sozio-ökonomischen Veränderungen könnte zu der Annahme führen, daß als Resultat des durch die globalisierte Ökonomie hervorgerufenen Wettbewerbsdrucks und z.T. durch die Ausbreitung wohlfahrtsstaatlicher Diskurse sowohl in den östlichen als auch in den westlichen Wohlfahrtsstaatsregimes sich ein Prozeß der Konvergenz durchstetzt. Dabei geht es hier um den spezifischen Fall einer möglichen Konvergenz der Sozialarbeit (Community care) in Taiwan und Großbritannien. Trotz der bei oberflächlicher Betrachtung scheinbaren Ähnlichkeiten auf der Ebene politischer und praktischer Entwicklungen zeigt eine gründlichere Untersuchung, daß die sich durchsetzenden Politiken und Praxen auch weiterhin durch den nationalstaatlichen Kontext gebrochen und durch bestehende länderspezifische institutionelle Arrangements mediatisiert werden - obwohl die globalisierte Ökonomie nach wie vor einen wesentlichen Zwang auf die Entwicklung des Wohlfahrtsstaates ausübt und die Diskurse über Wohlfahrt zunehmend globalisiert werden. Es handelt sich also eher um einen Prozeß der Glokalisierung denn um Globalisierung. La fasinación inicial del oeste por los logros económicos de los praises del este asiático (los 'tigres económicos') ha llevado a un interés creciente por sus regímenes de bienestar social. La teoría sobre el cambio socioeconómico a gran escala sugiere que los regímenes de bienestar occidentales y orientales, están en un proceso de convergencia debido a las presiones competitivas generadas por la economia global y como parte de la difusión mundial de los discursos de bienestar social. Se identifica un caso particular de posible convergencia en las política y desarrollos práticos, un examen cuidadoso sugiere que, aunque estén infundidas por una retórica similar, los contextos y contenidos politicos y prácticos en ambos paises son radicalmente diferentes. Esto sugiere la posibilidad de que, mientras que la economía global va a continuar actuando como una gran restricción para el desarrollo del bienestar social, con los discursos siendo cada vez más globales, la política y la prática emergentes seguirán siendo moduladas por los contextos nacionales y mediadas por los acuerdos institucionales especificos de cada país; un proceso de glocalización en lugar de globalización. La fascination initiale des Occidnetaux pour les accomplissements économiques des 'Tigres' de l'Extrême Orient les a conduit à s'intresser de plus près à leurs régimes de sécurité sociale. Si l'on théorise les changements socio-économiques à grande échelle, on peut supposer que les systèmes sociaux occidentaux et asiatiques convergent en raison des pressions exercées par la compétition économique mondiale et de la diffusion à travers le monde des discours sur la sécurité sociale. Les auteurs identifient un cas de possible convergence : les politiques d'aide communautaire à Taiwan et en Grande-Bretagne dans les années 90. Cependant un examen plus attentif des politiques et des pratiques laisse supposer que, même inspirées par une rhétorique similaire, le contexte dans lequel elles apparaissent et leur contenu dans chaque pays est radicalement différent, malgré des similitudes superficielles dans leur évolution. Il parait donc probable que les contextes nationaux et les instituions spécifiques à chaque pays continuent à infléchir politiques et pratiques, et ceci parallèlement aux contraintes majeures imposées à l'évolution des systèmrd sociaux par l'éonomie mondialisée, les discours sur le social devenant de plus en plus généraux.     

Availability without access? Globalization and socio-political cleavages in emerging economies

Scholars argue that globalization is reconfiguring socio-political cleavages. No longer do class divisions dominate. Rather, the argument goes, societies are increasingly divided between ‘cosmopolitans’ (who welcome globalization) and ‘communitarians’ (who do not). While that may be the case, studies generally consider the impact of globalization on cleavages in advanced, rather than emerging, economies. Here, we address the latter context. By exploring the impact of liberalized healthcare and education on societal structures, we argue that globalization is encouraging social stratification that could underwrite the development of a cosmopolitan/communitarian cleavage in emerging economies. Specifically, we argue that an expansion of trade into new markets is increasing the availability of goods, services, and ideas, but the high cost of new products means that access is often restricted to local elites. Thus, while elites are connecting to global networks, non-elites are increasingly disconnected – which is an arrangement that could foster a cosmopolitan/communitarian cleavage.     

Toward a Decolonial Alternative to Development? The Emergence and Shortcomings of Vivir Bien as State Policy in Bolivia in the Era of Globalization

There is an urgent demand for the examination of the critical perceptions of new kinds of ‘development’ which are emerging in the Global South in response to—and often opposed to—the global capitalist political economy. This article discusses the case of contemporary Bolivia in which indigenous political alternatives have emerged as the resistance to economic globalization and the powers of capital accumulation, as well as to the cultural and epistemological commitments of the Western order. Through an ethnographic approach, it examines the emergence and shortcomings of the notion of vivir bien—a local, decolonial, indigenous concept of good life—as state policy. It argues that despite its transformative potential, the translation of vivir bien discourses into state practices has not been, to a large degree, achieved.     

Social Workers’ Attitudes Towards and Engagement in Self-Disclosure

This article reports on a study of social workers’ engagement in self-disclosure. Consistent with theory and research, participants limited their use of personal self-disclosure but were more willing to be transparent with clients. Yet, the social workers in this study did not always feel prepared by their education to appropriately engage in self-disclosure nor did they believe their use of this skill was grounded in theory or research. Many of the participants also didn’t feel comfortable talking about self-disclosure in supervision or with colleagues. Findings suggest that more attention should be devoted to teaching social work students about appropriate use of self-disclosure, particularly its different manifestations and its indications and contraindications. The findings also underscore the need for more open and direct discussion of this set of skills in supervision and consultation.     

Tokens or Stakeholders in Global Migration Governance? The Role of Affected Communities and Civil Society in the Global Compacts on Migration and Refugees

Focussing on the inclusion of those primarily affected as stakeholders (refugees and other migrants), this article addresses a key ambition of the compacts themselves. We employ an ‘inside‐outside’ perspective and firstly ask: which groups participated in the consultative processes, what agenda did they set ‘inside’ the meetings, what alliances did they establish and how did they influence the outcomes? Secondly, we investigate what kind of advocacy took place ‘outside’ of these formalized spaces and what impact it had? By this, we not only contribute to an evaluation of the processes themselves, but also advance current academic debates on strategies, spaces and political opportunity structures for civil society and particularly migrant involvement in global migration governance from below and the larger debate on democratizing global institutions.     

Globalization and Its Countermovement: Marxian Contention or Polanyian Resistance?

This article surveys the scholarship on the countermovement against the diffusion of capitalism and market economy in the Global South. We identify two streams of analysis in the literature. On the one hand, scholars observe contentious politics instances where the spread of capitalist production relations enables the associational capacity and bargaining power of social classes. On the other hand, there are voluminous studies on contentious politics in the Global South where groups such as peasants, shopkeepers, and urban poor resist the intensification of the market economy. We use Beverly Silver's distinction between Marx‐type and Polanyi‐type protests, which focuses on how globalization makes and unmakes social groups, to unpack the heterogeneity of the impacts and experiences of globalization. We argue that although Silver's distinction is of great analytical value, there are strong warrants for separating the effects of the market economy from capitalism in studying contentious politics against globalization. Such an analytical strategy (i) expands the scope of the distinction between Marxian and Polanyian contention to social groups other than the working class and (ii) emphasizes that the roots of these struggles lie in the interconnected diffusion of capitalism and market economy.     

Child Migration in the US and Spain: Towards a Global Border Regime?

In The New Politics of Immigration, Professor Catherine Dauvergne proposes that as migration policies converge at the global level, the traditional difference between settler societies and former European colonies is becoming irrelevant. To test this argument, this article addresses the impact of externalization, militarization, detention and deportation on unaccompanied migrant children along the southern Spanish and US borders. I conclude that the combined used of these strategies is designed to keep all unwanted migrants away from the physical border of the state, regardless of their background, and prevents children from accessing specific protections. Current border policy in these two countries shows the primacy of national security concerns over human rights and supports Dauvergne’s argument that distinctions between former colonies and settler societies are disappearing. The evidence considered here points towards an increasingly restrictive and punitive global border regime, but one with regional variations.     

Fabricating Japaneseness? The Identity Politics of Young Designers and Artists in Global Cities

The present study explores the identity politics of young Japanese designers and artists working across national boundaries today. It addresses the following research questions: (i) Do young designers and artists aim to produce works with “universal” appeal or strategically make use of “Japaneseness”? (ii) Do they develop new transnational identities or regard themselves as “Japanese”? and (iii) Who do they think has the power to label their works as “Japanese” in the art worlds? For this purpose, I conducted in‐depth interviews with professional designers and artists who have migrated from Japan to London, New York, or Paris. The results show that most designers and artists who were interviewed indeed aim to produce works with “universal” appeal, while only a few respondents attempt to strategically express “Japaneseness” in their works. However, regardless of whether they make use of “Japaneseness” or not, all respondents regard themselves as “Japanese” without developing new transnational identities. Even so, they do not search for or hold onto Japaneseness; but rather the media, as well as a certain part of the art world, persistently attempt to emphasize “Japaneseness,” due to the structure of the art world, where whiteness continues to be the “norm.” While designers and artists are increasingly oriented toward creating works with new forms and values through the transnational production system, gatekeepers and legitimators of the art world continue to fabricate “the nation” and reinforce boundaries of national culture.     

‘Education for All’ in Cambodia: Democratic Educational and Children’s Empowerment Global Values Facing State Patronage

Among countries in Southeast Asia, Cambodia hosts the most NGOs per inhabitant and is particularly influenced by international education policies. To this extent, Cambodia constitutes a pertinent fieldwork location for reflection upon the role of global governance of education in the ‘global South’. Grounded in long-term fieldwork in a village and primary school, and multi-sited fieldwork with education technocrats and functionaries at the national and provincial levels, this article examines the cooperation between the state and the ‘global-politic’ in the way that it is polarised around the development of the policy ‘Education for All’ (EFA) in Cambodia. I argue that the global actors in education are promoting a kind of ‘moral economy’ of education and that their different programmes, however diverse they may be, are underpinned by common democratic and empowerment values. These values remain fairly ‘silent’, buried beneath technocratic demands, and clash with the informal economy of patronage grafted onto the Ministry of Education. This is an informal economy to which I give some empirical depth. I defend the fact that this moral confrontation is part of the context in which a paradoxical situation has emerged and that some light needs to be shed on this paradox in a country where the post-colonial state of education agrees, to a certain extent, to delegate part of its sovereignty for the benefit of the ‘global-politic’ of education.     

Which Voluntary Organizations Function as Schools of Democracy? Civic Engagement in Voluntary Organizations and Political Participation

VOLUNTAS: International Journal of Voluntary and Nonprofit Organizations - Voluntary organizations have been praised as “schools of democracy” that promote citizens’ political...     

Substituting for the State? Friendship Societies in Germany

Friendship societies are a specific type of voluntary associations that aim primarily to support a definable public benefit purpose—either an activity or a public or nonprofit entity. Over the past 20 years, these organizations have been mushrooming in Germany and elsewhere. More than 75,000 friendship societies are currently registered in Germany alone, and meanwhile they account for the majority of newly established associations. However, the general public typically perceives them as unreliable substitutes for the overburdened state. To assess whether these organizations can actually be reduced to this substitution function, the article draws on qualitative interviews with 70 chairpersons from various friendship societies in a German municipality. The study shows that friendship societies do much more than merely assuming responsibility for public benefit purposes and suggests focusing further research on the participatory potential of these associations.     

Alienation of Civic Engagement in China? Case Studies on Social Governance in Hangzhou

VOLUNTAS: International Journal of Voluntary and Nonprofit Organizations - This article tries to map the state of civic engagement in social governance at local level in China. Using case studies...     

Student Rights in an Age of Austerity? ‘Security’, Freedom of Expression and the Neoliberal University

In this profile, we examine a worrying trend taking place in institutions of higher education around the world: a notable increase in their managerial corporatization and neoliberalization, combined with greater repression of freedom of expression on campuses under the aegis of ‘securitization’. We focus attention specifically on how these twinned trends have impacted student activism in a post-2008 austerity-driven economic environment. Drawing on examples from Canada and elsewhere, we highlight attempts to depoliticize and institutionalize student engagement, as well as evidence of students working to break free of myriad constraints to foment change in their respective communities.