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1.
混合式的家族管理方式是长美陶瓷企业的显著特征,这一特征在某种程度上取决于枫溪陶瓷企业强烈的地域内生性。父亲继嗣中亲属关系的互斥性在这一地区的企业经营中也较为突出;家族事业的延续则表现为企业裂变方式,小企业结构使得混合式的家族管理适应了长美陶瓷企业的发展,也构成了企业家族式管理和家族式延续的独特一面。  相似文献   

2.
李立 《民族论坛》2013,(10):32-35
众所周知,资金,是经济的血液,但它同时又是逐利的.在流动过程中产生“富者愈富、贫者愈贫”的“马太效应”,难免让金融欠发达地区陷入资金短缺而严重“贫血”。究其原因,金融欠发达地区的市场化程度较低,信用体系不健全,较容易形成不良贷款,而县级地区尤为凸显。  相似文献   

3.
印度对欠发达地区的金融支持及经验教训   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
为了解决各地区、各民族经济发展的不平衡,印度采取了一系列的金融措施来促进欠发达地区工农业的发展.经过艰苦的努力,印度欠发达地区经济获得了发展,但仍未很好地解决地区经济发展不平衡问题,这其中既有成功的经验又有失败的教训.中国少数民族地区属于欠发达地区,印度对欠发达地区金融支持的经验教训给中国加快少数民族地区经济发展带来了重要启示.  相似文献   

4.
蒙东地区幅员辽阔、人口密度低、经济欠发达,城市社区硬件和软件建设滞后,牧区社区生产合作网络亟待加强,建设泛在网络对于蒙东经济社会发展意义重大。泛在网络建设需要社会企业参与,需要采取特殊政策开放现有公共设施光纤线路,并在泛在网络基础之上全力推进智慧社区建设,提升蒙东地区经济社会治理水平。  相似文献   

5.
劳务输出是经济欠发达地区脱贫致富奔小康的有效途径之一。然而在部分少数民族欠发达地区劳务输出正陷于困境之中 ,成为当地经济发展的重要阻碍因素。文章对此进行了分析并提出了一些对策  相似文献   

6.
边境旅游业在沿边地区扶贫中的作用   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
边境旅游作为一种特殊的旅游形式 ,其发展必将对沿边地区的经济发展发挥特殊的作用。以发展边境旅游业带动沿边地区脱贫致富 ,是近年来旅游部门主动参与扶贫工作的创举 ,也是从实践中总结出的推动旅游业深入发展的新思路。它不仅为我国经济欠发达的沿边地区经济发展和群众脱贫致富开辟了新的途径 ,也为我国旅游经济的持续发展找到了一个新的经济增长点。以边境旅游业的发展带动沿边地区经济的发展 ,是旅游业的一项重要功能。  相似文献   

7.
人力资源开发是地区经济和社会可持续发展的关键;我国西部边疆的5个省、区既是经济欠发达地区,又是多民族聚居地区,必须有效开发人力资源,实现地区的可持续发展;在分析西部边疆地区人力资源现状的基础上,探讨该地区人力资源匮乏的成因及对策.  相似文献   

8.
高职院校教育是以培养学生素质和技能为核心的教育服务,学生是教育服务的消费群体,用人单位又是学生的消费群体,因此高职院校教育要兼顾国家、社会、学生的利益.目前,欠发达地区在高等职业教育发展中存在着质量管理失误、教育服务的功能性错位、知识性误导、可接受性质量偏差等方面问题,只有解决了这些问题,才能改变这些地区的高职教育现状,也才能推动欠发达地区的经济与社会的发展.  相似文献   

9.
安多藏区包括甘肃、青海和四川的广大藏区,是一个以藏民族为主体,多民族聚居的的一个地域。由于其独特的地域环境和民族习俗,孕育了不同于西藏的安多地区藏文化。由于安多藏区地处偏僻、边远,教育、经济欠发达,导致安多藏区地方文献数据库的建设远远滞后于其他发达地区地方文献数据库建设。  相似文献   

10.
我国欠发达地区经济市场化就是要建立现代市场经济体制,就是让市场在资源配置中发挥基础性作用,政府就是弥补市场功能的不足,从而促进欠发达地区的发展。但是,由于我国区域内市场发育程度东西差异很大,因此中央政府在不同的区域就应该发挥不同的作用,以实现区域间的均衡发展。这是因为,在市场经济条件下,市场机制追求利润最大化,资源配置遵循效益优先的原则,它无法自动调节生产要素在区域间的合理分布,实现区域经济的协调发展。从我国欠发达地区经济市场化的现实发展看,中央政府的作用主要表现在: 推进市场化改革。不同于西方…  相似文献   

11.
少数民族非公有制经济是我国经济发展中一支新的充满活力的经济成份。它的发展,一方面得益于国家现行政策;另一方面,得益于少数民族经商理财的优秀传统。随着社会经济的发展,仅仅依靠传统的理财观是远远不能满足当前少数民族企业发展需要的。从经商到办企业,少数民族理财的观念也随之发生着质的飞跃。在吸收传统的理财精华的基础上,树立现代企业财务管理的观念,促进少数民族非公有制经济的发展,使新的理财观念渗透到企业发展的各个领域、各个环节中。  相似文献   

12.
本文探讨了企业家阶层与民族认同之间的关系,并提出两个重要论点:一是市场力量和私营经济的发展正在逐渐减小家支对诺苏彝族企业家的影响.尽管家支在新企业的起步阶段发挥着重要作用,但是它已渐渐成为企业的一种负担.二是企业家在传统的传承者与现代先锋的角色之间摇摆.诺苏彝族与汉族企业家之间界线的划分是民族认同的重要表现.认同是一种个体和集体的过程,因而只有在与其他群体(汉族)进行交互作用时,企业家阶层才能对认同产生影响.当企业家之间以及其他彝族人之间存在强烈的文化民族主义时,诺苏彝族企业家的民族意识就将得到发展,以期通过企业家和经济发展成就在国家内部得到尊重.  相似文献   

13.
广泛分布于民族地区乡村旅游目的地的乡村微型旅游企业对农村家庭成员关系、家庭经济、家庭后代、家庭和个人兴趣产生深刻的影响;这种影响随企业业主间的差异而在多方面存在显著差异。借助微型旅游企业这一平台,乡村旅游促进农村家庭和谐、农村家庭收入提高;在与旅游者交流反思过程中,家长对后代提出了更高的要求,认识到家庭和个人的兴趣爱好与获取经济利益同样重要。对乡村微型旅游企业这一农村扶贫方式,需要从家庭的角度进行深度剖析以提高效益。  相似文献   

14.
刘毅  郎玉屏 《民族学刊》2013,4(4):90-96,132-133
教育与经济的悖论源于贫困地区人才逆向流动的现实,然而从国家第一个连片开发的武陵山片区外出务工者的调研表明,务工是短期、直接、表面收益,教育是长期、间接、根本收益;优先发展教育甚至是教育第一发展是贫困地区根本改变落后状态的必然选择,现在是,将来也是。教育与经济相互促进,导致理论上出现教育与经济的悖论可能的原因是过分注重短期效益、直接效益、表面效益。  相似文献   

15.
夏毅榕 《民族学刊》2017,8(1):89-93,125-128
The understanding of the traditional research of Kangding Guozhuo mainly covers four aspects:1 ) It is widely believed in the academic world that the Guozhuang ( meaning singing and dancing in a circle ) of Kangding was a unique product which combined politics, economics and culture together. 2) It was a specific business form based on the family unit, fulfilling multiple func ̄tions such as an inn, a shed, a commodity inter ̄mediary, an administrative office, a commodity transformation point, and a banking establishment. And it was also a place for cultural exchange be ̄tween the Tibetans and the Han . 3 ) The formation of Guozhuang culture establishes a new element in the culture of the Tibetan-Yi corridor. 4 ) Zheng Shaoxiong mentions that the Guozhuangzhu ( the Guozhuang host ) had played an intermediary role in assisting the Tibetan businessmen to sell or pur ̄chase goods - this helped to maintain the trade relations between the Han and Tibetans ( or their communication) . This kind of ingenious institu ̄tional arrangement was a historical practice in keeping the balance of the relationship between different cultural communities, such as the Qing court, Tusi ( native officials ) and the Guozhuang host of Kangding. It reflects the wisdom in ethnic interactions, and can be borrowed in present ethnic regional autonomous system.
The above mentioned understanding is a result of study from the perspective of history, ethnology or economics. Although Zheng Shaoxiong’s re ̄search was born from the old mindset, and pro ̄posed the new value of Guozhuang cultural mecha ̄nism, there is still a lack of research on this cul ̄ture from such comprehensive perspectives as ur ̄ban history, cultural anthropology, and economic anthropology. Thus it cannot fully reveal the fea ̄ture and value of Kangding Guozhuang, a complex cultural phenomenon.
Based on existing data, past research, and fieldwork on the oral history of Kangding Guozhuang conducted in August 2013 , this article gives some new interpretations to the features of Guozhuang culture from an interdisciplinary per ̄spective as follows:
1 ) The forever “48 Guozhuang” are a Kang ̄ding urban memory, which displays the common cultural psychology of regarding Kangding as an important trade city of the Han and Tibetans; and Guozhuang carries a folk cultural memory of more than 200 years. After the gaitu guiliu policy ( re ̄placement of native officials with centrally appoint ̄ed officials) in the late Qing period, the number of newly appeared Guozhuang even reached 60 to 70 .“Although each of them had its own courtyard, and people also called them Guozhuang, they were still quite different from the 48 Guozhuang in the minds of the Kangding people”. This not only in ̄dicates that the 48 Guozhuang within the orthodox system were deeply rooted in the hearts of the local people, but also reflects that Guozhuang were re ̄garded as the most proper carrier for the communi ̄cation between the Han and Tibetan during the late Qing period, otherwise so many Guozhuang court ̄yards would not have appeared in history.
2 ) From the name to its architectural form, or function, a Guozhuang was influenced by the Han culture, however, it still had strong Tibetan char ̄acteristics. Actually it could be regarded as a min ̄iature of local culture of Kangding. Every Guozhuang had its own Tibetan name and Chinese name. The architectural style of the Guozhuang was actually different from traditional multiple -level blockhouse. There was always a courrtyard, and it was larger than that of Han. The vast court ̄yard was not only a space for the Tibetan business ̄man to cook food and boil tea, but also a space for organizing their entertainment activities, such as singing and dancing in a circle. You Tai, a minis ̄ter of the Qing dynasty in Tibetan areas, recorded a grand dancing party organized by the local Tusi to welcome his arrival, which reflected the significant position of the Guozhuang in cultural activities. The upper-class of the Kham area, including Tusi and the Guozhuang host, tried to build a close re ̄lationship with both Tibetan and Han in all means, including the title, kinship relation or customs, and successfully built up a central zone on which both sides can be understood. It was just due to the special geographical location and cultural tradi ̄tion that made the reconstruction of a cross cultural buffer zone possible.
3 ) The managers of the Guozhuang were mainly the hostesses ( Ajia Kaba in Tibetan lan ̄guage) , and this also reflected a kind of feminism in Kham culture. The tradition of the Dong nv guo ( East Kingdom of Women ) enabled the women to run their business in and out of the family. When the tea trade started, the Guozhuang host had to spend much of their energy on providing service to the Tusi, so the Guozhuang hostess took the re ̄sponsibility of managing the business of the Guozhuang. Ajia normally controlled the initiative of negotiation in the Han-Tibetan trade, and they played the role of interpreters in the negotiation. There were many live -in son -in -laws in the family of the Guozhuang and this kind of marriage was even more popular in the period from the late Qing dynasty to the Republican era.
If we conduct an analysis of the value of Kangding Guozhuang from multiple dimensions, we would notice that the existence of the non-market interpersonal model in this institution, on some certain degree, had solved the problem of the lack of social cohesion resulting from marketization. From this angle, the value of Guozhuang culture in the improvement of the economic institutions of the market cannot be ignored.
This fieldwork also reflects the significant and comprehensive influence of the Guozhuang cultural heritage of Kangding. When viewed from this an ̄gle, its value is incredible. According to the data collected from the fieldwork, all the people, inclu ̄ding officials, scholars, businessman and ordinary people, are aware that the Guozhuang is a cultural heritage which has a high and comprehensive val ̄ue. If the relevant government bodies could in ̄clude it into the scope of heritage protection, and build it into a cultural space of intangible cultural heritage, it will have a much higher heritage val ̄ue , and play an important role both in the econom ̄ic development and construction of harmonious eth ̄nic relationships.
The Kangding Guozhuang also played a role in the deconstruction of the Han - Tibetan social structure - this kind of value can not only be in ̄troduced to the present world and influence the fu ̄ture world, but also can be seen as a hub which connects the “ancient” and “modern” Han -Ti ̄betan relations. Traditionally, there was a structur ̄al rule in the communications between the Han and Tibetan, namely that “the Han and Tibetans are somewhat separated from each other ”, however, the Guozhuang model in Kangding deconstructed this Han-Tibetan rule. This was closely related to elements such as social composition, ways of life, marriage, family, kinship, and religious customs. The disappearance of Guozhuang also has its own causes, for instance, the absence of inheritors and failure in operation of this system. However, this article proposes that it is mainly influenced by the social reforms in the historical process. Hence, that is the reason why modern enterprises which re ̄tain certain connotations of the Guozhuang could re-appear in the Kang area. In the survey, we no ̄tice that some enterprises have already made efforts in this regard. In summary, Kangding Guozhuang had creatively formed a security institution with a more humanized nature, and played an important role in the alleviation of social tensions in ethnic areas. Contemporary society, composed as it is of people with multi-ethnic backgrounds, still needs this kind of “deconstruction”.  相似文献   

16.
本文认为,中国企业广告大战与价格大战的“非市场营销”的表现,其缘由是“边缘化”的经济地位与符码化的消费时尚。它提醒我们,今天的中国企业能够获得的利润有限,还不能像美国的企业那样“一掷千金”地“玩营销”;在西方文化横行天下的今天,在与文化紧密相关的符码方面,处于文化转型的中国还不具有竞争优势。  相似文献   

17.
马经 《回族研究》2002,(4):101-110
改革开放20年来,云南回族经济得到了迅速恢复和全面发展,主要表现在生产力得到大解放;多种经营十分活跃;乡镇企业在许多地方迅猛崛起并占据了重要地位;产业结构发生了深刻的变化;经济收入与生活水平得到极大提高。到20世纪末,尽管各地在发展中出现了较大差距,但全省回族经济总体上已开始了从传统向现代的最初转变。  相似文献   

18.
阳镇  李烜 《民族学刊》2016,7(4):11-21,92-95
International trade and investment have been two major topics in the field of interna-tional economics. They are also two main ways to deepen foreign economic ties. With the rapid de-velopment of the China—ASEAN free trade area and the Beibu Gulf Economic Zone, international trade and investment have had an important influ-ence on the ethnic areas of Guangxi. Guangxi is a frontier and coastal minority area, and as well as an important window opening on to the ASEAN e-conomic sphere and economic hinterland. It has great power and vitality for economic development within the ASEAN economic sphere. However, Guangxi, if compared with domestic developed are-as, is a relatively backward region within China’s economy. Its level for utilizing FDI( Foreign Direct Investment) lags behind, and its foreign trade vol-ume has definitely lagged far behind that in the more developed coastal provinces. This has severe-ly restricted the economic and social transformation of the Guangxi, and is an important obstacle for re-alizing a “well -off” society in ethnic areas. In recent years, resulting in the increasing external dependency in ethnic areas, the development of foreign investment has kept steady. This has played an important role in promoting technological progress and adjusting the industrial structure in ethnic areas. At the same time, foreign investment has also increased the speed of the ethnic minority areas’ ability to absorb advanced technology and management experience. This, in turn, has had great significance for further exploring international markets. However, the various regions in China have differences in their utilization of FDI and for-eign trade, so, effective an evaluation for exploring foreign trade and FDI has had a specific effect on the economic growth in ethnic areas, which can provide certain reference points for ethnic minority areas to formulate economic policy. Based on the relevant data of exports, imports and economic growth collected between 1990 and 2013 for Guan-gxi, and using statistical analysis and the econo-metric regression method, this article studies the relationship between FDI, foreign trade and eco-nomic growth in ethnic minority areas of Guangxi.  相似文献   

19.
商标是关系到企业生存和发展的重要知识产权,有着企业"黄金名片"之称,是企业走向国内外市场的"金护照"。从事清真产业的企业必须面对国内、国外市场的商机,充分认识到商标在商业竞争中的作用、价值,多层次多角度制定自己的商标战略,使商标在企业的经营中充分发挥其作用,真正实现清真食品商标的经济价值与社会价值。  相似文献   

20.
经济全球化、西部大开发等国内外环境给中国民俗学学科发展带来了新的机遇和挑战。面对世界经济一体化的发展 ,为进一步探索中国民俗文化的价值取向 ,本文以经济学视角对其进行一次尝试性解读。  相似文献   

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