A theory of the organization of state and local government employees

Expansion of public employee labor organizations has brought considerable change in a sector previously considered outside the domain of the trade union movement. A model to explain this phenomenon among state and local government employees is developed and tested using data from the1977 Census of Governments. The percentage of employees organized is determined by a number of factors which affect the costs and benefits of membership and may be influenced by the level of employees’ earnings. Empirical evidence indicates that a higher level of organization is a product of government size, legal provisions, unionization in the private sector, and, in some government functions, the unemployment rate, and level of income.     

Union premiums in the federal and private sectors: Alternative evidence from job queues

Although traditional wage estimates indicate a larger union-nonunion differential in the private sector compared to that in the federal sector, the role of non-wage benefits is ignored in such comparisons. A job queue approach shows that premiums to unionized employment (in terms of both wage and non-wage benefits) are lower in the federal sector than in the private sector. This approach not only overcomes the limitations of wage studies in examining the relative superiority of union over nonunion jobs in both sectors, but also strengthens their conclusions through a more appropriate alternative method. The author thanks John Heywood, Neil Garston, Richard Roseman, and Miles Finney for helpful comments. I also thank the editor and the referee for extremely useful suggestions.     

Computers in local government: Malaysia

The utilisation of computers in three local authorities of varying sizes and responsibilities in Malaysia is reviewed with reference to a conceptual framework developed by the Public Policy Research Organisation of the University of California at Irvine. The importance of three sets of necessary and generally sufficient considerations for the effective utilisation of computers in local government is demonstrated. These are: the existence of an overall management strategy based on the user needs of the agency and the resources at its disposal; the personal commitment of individuals at all levels of the organisation; and stability in terms of personnel, administrative structures and environmental conditions. The findings of the study indicate strong similarities between Malaysian and US and British experience in this field.     

Forecasting service needs for the year 2000: implications for state government

This article is based upon research in Florida of the older population and its projected need for services. It includes discussion of the method and findings of the study. The focus, however, is on the policy implications for state government that emerged from the research. The data has enabled Florida to examine the experience of its own community care programs in order to help develop a strategic plan for expanding resources, reforming its organization, and improving its performance. In addition to funding and organization of the state's long-term care system, the issue of targeting limited community resources to severely frail elders emerged as a major concern of this research. Although the various states differ widely in history, demographics, and structure, these policy issues should be of immediate concern to each of them.     

Professional feminists: Challenging local government inside out

Gender equality work in local government carried out during the 1980s presents a valuable site to explore the interaction between professional and feminist working. In the history of the Women's Liberation Movement (WLM) and feminist organizing more broadly in the UK, professional working has often been positioned as antithetical to feminist working, and relatively little scholarship has examined the interface between the two. This article argues that the individuals involved should be considered ‘professional feminists’ as opposed to ‘femocrats’, drawing from across feminist, social movement and organizational theory, and interviews carried out in 2011 and archival texts from three UK councils. It also suggests their work (undertaken between the beginning of the 1980s and the beginning of the 1990s) serves to blur the boundaries usually marked between social movement and state. This contributes to the existing literature by exploring the specific understandings and practices put to work by those working on gender equality professionally, but not in an elected capacity, within local government, and how their work can be positioned in relation to feminist organizing more broadly.     

State and local government wage differentials: An intrastate analysis

Previous estimates of state and local government wage differentials have been typically based on data aggregated across all states, and such aggregation may produce seriously misleading differential estimates. We estimate intrastate earnings differentials for the state and local sectors in Wisconsin, four other midwestern states, and two states outside the midwest. There is substantial variation in the differentials: aggregated differentials can be misleading. Our work also confirms that state and local government labor markets have reduced earnings dispersion and investigates the possibility that higher public sector earnings may attract an “over-qualified” work force. The authors thank the Wisconsin Policy Research Institute for financial support and members of the UWM economics seminar and Sammis White for detailed comments on earlier drafts.     

Public duty and private prejudice: sexualities equalities and local government

Rather than critiquing social institutions and practices that have historically excluded lesbians and gay men, as did earlier social movements in the 1960s and 1970s, since the 1990s the politics of sexuality has increasingly been about demanding equal rights of citizenship. These citizenship demands have, at least to a degree, been answered via a raft of recent legislation in the UK including the Adoption and Children Act 2002, Employment Equality (Sexual Orientation) Regulations 2003, Gender Recognition Act 2004 and the Civil Partnership Act 2004, and by associated changes in policy making and practice that emphasize ‘Equality and Diversity’. In this article we consider how the implementation of sexualities equalities policies is related to processes of privatization and individualization. This is illustrated by using sexualities equalities work in local government as a case study to indicate how processes of change and resistance are aided by these processes. The article draws on findings from a study of lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) equalities initiatives in local government in England, Wales and Northern Ireland, which examined the views of those who now have a public duty to implement recent legislative and policy shifts and are obliged to develop equalities initiatives concerning ‘sexual orientation' and ‘gender reassignment’.     

The role of local government bodies in European policy-making

Since the publication of the White Paper on European governance, COM (2001) 428, the Commission has stressed that ‘people increasingly distrust institutions and politics or are simply not interested in them’, registering the growing gap between the EU and European citizens. In this context, the European institutions have been promoting several initiatives with the aim of facilitating participation in the European decision-making process. The paper will focus on: (1) the relationship between local governance and participation in the European Union; in this frame, the European institutions tried to start a dialogue with local authorities (see the role of the CoR) and the actors of civil society (through both the European Economic and Social Committee and the Transparency Policy); (2) the consequences either in the theoretical field or in practice. On one hand, the initiatives carried out have created the basis for a new model of multi-level governance and ‘participative democracy’; on the other hand the demand for wider participation produces a continuous growth of lobbying by the actors of civil society, whose regulation appears rather difficult notwithstanding the important efforts made through the European Transparency Initiative.     

Out of touch: local government and disabled people's employment needs

In autumn 2003 we contracted to undertake a study in two district council areas of ways in which they could meet their Local Public Service Agreement (LPSA) targets in respect of disabled people returning to work. We undertook a literature review of barriers to work, interviewed a number of people involved in working with unemployed people and a number of disabled people in these areas. All the employment organisations we had contact with were working to an individual model of disability and the need to change their orientation became the central recommendation of the first phase of this study. This was rejected by those funding the study. At the end of the first year none of the organisations active in this area was able to identify a single disabled person who had returned to work as a result of their help. We conclude that central government policies are doing little to change the perception of the employment needs of disabled people within local government.     

关于建立地方公债制度的探讨

地方政府发行公债,在我国始终是一个敏感话题。人们不敢触及它,因为《预算法》规定,地方财政不许打赤字;人们回避和否定它,因为中央国债已令人头痛,地方政府再举债岂非要负债累累?由于“谈债色变”观念依旧,往往把发行地方公债视为洪水猛兽。1998年开始,中央政府为扩大内需而实施     

The implementation of workplace violence policy in state government

Workplace violence has received an increasing amount of attention in the last five years. While it is difficult to conclude that it is actually escalating, the numerous studies do provide numbers that lead one to believe that it is a serious problem. Although agencies and corporations are beginning to develop workplace violence policies, there is no published research that documents the results of the implementation of such policies. The current research examines North Carolina state employees' familiarity with their new workplace violence policy and reporting procedures, how uniformally the policy is being utilized, victims' perceptions of their agencies' responses to their own violent incidents, and their generalized perceptions of the agencies' intent to keep the workplace safe.     

Voluntary organisations and local government: lessons from a Danish case study

The purpose of this article is to analyse the changing relationships between local government and voluntary organisations in the decentralised Danish welfare state within the field of social policy. Here major changes in public discourse have brought voluntary organisations more to the forefront in a welfare state model whose distinct public character might be fading. However, little attention has been devoted to potential problems resulting from intensified co-operation. The article explores these issues using evidence from a case study of the links between public authorities and seven voluntary organisations in the city of Aalborg in northern Jutland. This case study raises the question of whether voluntary organisations, as argued in public debate, can generally be regarded as the antithesis of the bureaucratically and paternalistically organised public social services. Rather, they seem to be co-actors, actively constructing new paradigms and practices in social policy, that cannot be captured in conventional dichotomous models. This suggests that the public bureaucracy versus altruistic voluntary organisation, or distinctions usually made between professional and volunteer motives, may be of limited use. The author wishes to thank Per Selle for his helpful comments on earlier versions of this paper. Special thanks to Catharina J. Kristensen and Claus B. Olsen for their help with the English version.     

Legitimacy of rural local government in the new governance environment

Since the early 1990s, the legitimacy of local government has been on the margins of debates about the regulation and governance of contemporary capitalism and their scalar forms. Yet, for those engaged in the day-to-day practice of local government in the governance environment, the question of how to maintain legitimacy is of central importance. This paper, which reports on the findings of a study of two rural districts in the South Island of New Zealand and Victoria, Australia, seeks to explore the interface between theory and practice of local government in the governance environment. Recent theorising about the implications of governance for the legitimacy of territorial local authorities is outlined, and recurring legitimacy-related themes in local governments’ engagement with governance are employed to construct a framework for analysing empirical cases. A brief (contextual) picture is drawn of the two rural cases, and the framework is employed to analyse them. Finally, the efficacy of this approach to the study of local government legitimacy, and the significance of the case study findings for the debate about the role of local representative government, are reflected upon.