Violence against women—social services support during legal proceedings

Social workers and social work have been criticized for failing to address violence against women in adequate ways, of blaming the victim and failing to recognize domestic violence as a problem. At the same time, it is the social services that are responsible for support to abused women, according to amendments in the Social Services Act (2001). This article examines abused women’s own experiences of support in connection with the police investigation of domestic violence. It is a qualitative study with six women who all have received support from the Relationship Violence Center (RVC) in Stockholm. The main findings in the article suggest that support in connection with the judicial process is important. Women’s earlier experiences or preconceptions of the social services might prevent them from accepting support or turning to the social services for help.     

Local Rites and Body Politics

The growing awareness of violence against women has resulted in endorsement of various international codes and conventions relating to physical, psychological and sexual violence. Female genital mutilation is one form of violence against women that has polarized people within and across national borders. Here, I explore its popular representation, consider how activism against genital mutilation has been confounded by sex and race and how activism to eradicate the practice is understood by immigrant women in Australia. In doing this, I draw on research conducted with women immigrants to Australia from north Africa (the Sahel areas) and the Middle East, from countries where female genital mutilation is most common. These women are often frustrated by what they see as contradictions in hospital policy and practice that arise in response to their requests to be reinfibulated after childbirth. I tease out the dilemmas that emerge when refusal is contrasted with other permissible practices of the body, such as hymen reconstruction, and given the commodification of bodies and related issues of age and agency, the individual and the community. The perceived discrepancies suggest to these African women that rights discourse is discriminatory, racist and informed by sensational portrayals of traditional practices. I question the ethics, values and rights that inform public discourse about sexual and reproductive rights, when women’s rights and values are so discrepant from our own ideals.     

Can social workers and police be partners when dealing with bikie-gang related domestic violence and sexual assault?

Welfare and criminal justice systems manifest different goals, cultures, values and working methods. In Australia, the welfare sector has a culture of empowerment and concern for victims’ rights, within which social workers focus on social justice and social change. In contrast, the criminal justice sector (police) is patriarchal and para-military in structure, focusing on enforcing and maintaining community order and safety. These differences can create tension when social workers and police need to work as partners in response to violence against women, in particular violence against women from bikie gangs. This article addresses the issue of partnerships between social workers and police when working with abused bikie-gang women. It presents the findings of recent research into social work practice with such women in South Australia, in conjunction with a brief exploration of the international literature on social work and police cultures, and partnerships. It concludes that whilst there is a great need for genuine collaboration and partnership between social workers and police in the complex context of domestic violence with links to organised crime, the cultures and mandates of these different professions make this difficult.     

Black,Blue, and Blow: The Effect of Race and Criminal History on Perceptions of Police Violence

This research aims to determine the situational and individual factors that shape perceptions of whether police violence against citizens is justified. Drawing on research on the racialization of crime, modern racism, and the stigma associated with a criminal history, we hypothesize that individuals will view police violence as more justified when targeted at black citizens and those with criminal histories. We further hypothesize that individuals who have higher levels of racial prejudice will view police violence as more justified. Results from a survey experiment using a sample of 595 white respondents show a consistent effect of criminal history, with individuals viewing violence as more justified against a citizen with a previous criminal background. Further, interaction effects indicate that only white respondents who score highly on racial prejudice view violence against a black citizen as more justified compared to violence against a white citizen. These results underscore the importance of how a criminal record serves as an enduring stigma that shapes how individuals are perceived. Additionally, our results are consistent with theories of contemporary racism and show that negative evaluations of black Americans are limited to whites with high levels of racial prejudice.     

“Whoa! They Could’ve Arrested <Emphasis Type="Italic">Me</Emphasis>!”: Unsuccessful Identity Claims of Women During Police Response to Intimate Partner Violence

Many jurisdictions in the U.S. have implemented mandatory arrest policies in an attempt to limit police officers’ discretion in their arrest decisions when responding to intimate partner violence calls. Drawing from semi-structured interviews with female victims of intimate partner violence, I explore the ways in which mandatory arrest policies have influenced the identity work of women during their interactions with police officers. I focus specifically on women’s “unsuccessful” identity claims: situations where women are unable to convince police officers that they are victims and situations where women are unable to convince officers that they are not victims. I examine the strategies that women use during their identity work and explore the consequences of women’s failed self presentations under mandatory arrest policies, the most significant of which is a woman’s arrest. I argue that under mandatory arrest policies, for many women, the risk of failed identity work is even more consequential than before these policies were established.     

"Calling a state a state": feminist politics and the policing of violence against women in Brazil

This document reports on a 1990 case study of one of Brazil's 80 police stations established for the protection of women in response to feminist pressure to address excessively high levels of violence against women. These police stations, staffed by women to respond exclusively to complaints lodged by women, are an unusual institutional response to such violence. The study examines the station established in Salvador in 1986 to reveal which interests were served by the creation of the specialized stations. The first section of the article addresses the fact that Salvador's policewomen have gained little from the creation of the specialized stations and continue to suffer job-related sexual discrimination. Next, conceptions of gender identity among policewomen are analyzed, and the ideologies of "femininity" and "feminism" in the Brazilian context are discussed. The final section compares views on the abuse of women with views on police brutality and relays incidences when the policewomen beat male prisoners. It is argued that certain forms of violence are actually considered necessary to maintain social order and enact justice. It is concluded that all of the involved parties, the state, the feminists, the female citizenry, and Salvador's female police, benefit in part from the existence of the specialized police stations but that there are serious problems also, especially the fact that the policewomen involved are given little or no special training and no career incentives.     

The Norwegian police and victims of elder abuse in close and familial relationships

Over recent decades, domestic violence or family violence, violence against women and child abuse has received much attention in the media, in political discourse and in social research. However, abuse of older adults arouses limited interest. In government action against domestic violence and in police guidance manuals, the elderly receive little attention. The aim of this article is primarily to demonstrate how the police attempt to prevent elder abuse in close relationships, especially in parent-child relationships. This article highlights some contradictions between the need of the police to produce criminal cases (often contrary to the interests of the victims) on the one hand, and the police's duty to prevent further abuse on the other. Research has documented that help and prevention measures in question make the situation even worse for the victims they are meant to help.     

Religion,male violence,and the control of women: Pakistani Muslim men in Bradford,UK

This paper examines Pakistani Muslim male violence in the public and private spheres in Bradford, UK. The article also explores the relationship between male violence and ideas of culture and religion. The material used was collected over a 4-year period from students and staff in further and higher education institutions; working women (prostitutes); survivors of domestic violence; police personnel who work with Asian women fleeing domestic violence or forced marriages; and staff of a children's society working with teenage prostitutes. Methodologies included lectures, seminars, focus groups, and interviews. Findings reveal that there is a difference between male and female attitudes towards Islam. Some men are using it to justify violence against women, while women of all ages and backgrounds are using it as a source of strength and to negotiate (with ingenuity and humor) the cultural and religious requirements which men try to impose upon them.     

Sexual Abuse in Cameroon: A Four-Year-Old Girl Victim of Rape in Buea Case Study

A young girl was brought to the emergency unit after suffering sexual abuse by an older male. Additional abuses against women and girls include physical beating, forced marriage, female genital mutilation, breast ironing, widow’s rites, psychological abuse, and discrimination in education, finance, employment, and legal access. Cameroon has adopted strategies aimed at eliminating violence against women, including ratification of international policies, penal codes, and support of local and international efforts that promote women; however, many of the laws remain in name only and are rarely enforced, given women’s lack of financial access to quality lawyers and an unsympathetic male-dominated police force. Underreporting and culturally accepted abuses remain a challenge, too, as the country seeks to understand the extent of abuses and how to effectively fight against them. A complete paradigm shift in cultural attitude toward the female gender is required for abuses to cease.     

Physical violence against children reported to the police: discrepancies between register-based data and child victim survey

This study examines the reporting and not reporting of child victimization to the police. The study focuses on comparing the police reports of child victimization to the Finnish Child Victim Survey (FCVS) to find out the kind of violence that is reported to the police and the kind that is not. A total number of 242 police reports of 12-year-old victims of physical violence were collected from the Finnish Police Information System. These reports were compared to the 12-year-old children's victimization experiences in the FCVS. Discrepancies between these two data can be found in the victim's gender, the relationship between the victim and the suspect, and the location of the assault. Physical violence against girls committed by mothers is not reported as often as physical violence against boys committed by men.     

Silence‐breaking butterfly effect: Resistance towards the military within #MeToo

Systemic violence against women in the military has existed for decades, but they have mostly refrained from public resistance. However, in the context of the #MeToo movement in Sweden, 1768 women published a call for an end to violence and sexual harassment in the military. We analyse this call as a public resistance effort against the military and find that #MeToo is: (i) challenging the norms of the hyper‐masculine military organization, making resistance towards it visible; and (ii) resisting the practices of sexual harassment and lack of responsibility in the military organization. The military organization is questioned when it comes to norms and practices, but there are variations in whether the social order of the military is truly challenged. Still, the call highlights the fragmentation of this ‘last bastion of masculinity’. More research is needed on the erosion of the militarized norms and practices and the effects of the call.     

THE TIMING OF WELFARE PAYMENTS AND INTIMATE PARTNER VIOLENCE

I examine transfer schedules for the Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF) program and find a causal relationship between the time directly after welfare payments and intimate partner violence against women. This study supports the hypothesis that the husband uses threats of violence as an instrument to gain control over the allocation of household resources, and suggests that the increased incidence in physical violence after welfare payments is associated with alcohol use. Additionally, I find that states that pay TANF recipients twice a month do not have this effect on threats of violence. This suggests that smaller, more frequent payments may reduce the husband's incentive to use verbal violence as a bargaining tool. (JEL I38, J18, J12)     

Gendered Violence and Politics in Indigenous Communities

This article examines the depoliticization of violence against women in indigenous communities. It argues that there is a pressing need to examine the ways in which gendered violence is explained, addressed and often sanctioned in indigenous communities. The article draws on Crenshaw's concept of political intersectionality and examines responses to gendered violence in indigenous communities through two groups: Aboriginal women in Canada and Sámi women in Scandinavia.     

Women’s status and qualitative perceptions of a cash assistance programme in Raqqa Governorate,Syria

ABSTRACT

Cash and voucher assistance is an efficient way to deliver assistance in emergency settings, and evidence demonstrates that cash programmes have consistent positive impacts on food security and other health and economic outcomes in these contexts. Nevertheless, while evidence from development settings shows that cash has the potential to reduce intimate partner violence and increase empowerment for women and girls, there is a dearth of rigorous evidence from acute humanitarian settings. In response to this evidence gap, the International Rescue Committee conducted an evaluation of a cash programme in Raqqa Governorate, Syria. The aim was to examine the effect of a cash for basic needs programme on outcomes of violence against women, and women’s empowerment. This article draws on qualitative data from interviews with 40 women at the end of the cash programme. It offers evidence of potential increased tension and abuse within both the community and the household for some women whose families received cash, as well as potential increased social protection through repayment of debts and economic independence for others. Both negative and positive effects could be seen. While the objective of the cash programme was not to influence underlying power dynamics, this research shows it is necessary to integrate gender-sensitive approaches into programme design and monitoring to reduce risk to women of diverse identities.     

Controversies Surrounding Mandatory Arrest Policies and the Police Response to Intimate Partner Violence

Since the early 1970s, the efforts of the battered women's movement have led to many changes in the criminal justice response to intimate partner violence (often referred to more broadly as 'domestic violence') in the USA. One important reform has been the implementation of policies that encourage or mandate the arrest of offenders. However, mandatory arrest policies have been hotly debated by scholars, activists, and criminal justice system officials. In this article, I review the recent changes to the ways in which police officers respond to intimate partner violence and discuss the controversies surrounding these changes in light of recent research. I briefly consider why the literature on this topic has produced such contradictory findings and I discuss several actions that need to be taken in order to improve police response to intimate partner violence and better meet the needs of battered women.     

Understanding domestic violence against women: using evolutionary psychology to extend the feminist functional analysis

Evolutionary psychologists such as Wilson and Daly (1993b) hypothesize that one goal of male-perpetrated domestic violence is control over female sexuality, including the deterrence of infidelity. According to this hypothesis, domestic violence varies with women's reproductive value or expected future reproduction, declining steeply as women age. We tested this hypothesis with a sample of 3,969 cases of male-perpetrated partner-abuse reported to a single police precinct in a large urban area over a 14-year period. Results show that (a) rates of domestic violence decrease as women age, (b) younger men are at greatest risk for perpetrating domestic violence, (c) younger, reproductive age women incur nearly 10 times the risk of domestic violence as do older, post-reproductive age women, and (d) the greater risk of domestic violence incurred by reproductive age women is not attributable solely to mateship to younger, more violent men. Discussion addresses theoretical implications of these findings and suggests a refinement of the feminist hypothesis of domestic violence against women.     

“Technology Doesn’t Judge You”: Young Australian Women’s Views on Using the Internet and Smartphones to Address Intimate Partner Violence

Intimate partner violence (IPV) is a pervasive social issue. Younger women tend to experience the highest rates of violence, associated with a range of negative health outcomes. Although interventions in health settings have shown promise, younger women may be reluctant to access services or discuss relationships with a health professional. Delivering an IPV intervention online or via a smartphone has the potential to overcome some of these barriers. Little is known, however, about how young women might perceive such an intervention, or what factors might influence its uptake. Drawing on focus groups interviews, we explore the views of young Australian women on using a website or application to address IPV. Azjen’s Theory of Planned Behavior is used to help understand the beliefs and norms around technology and help-seeking for IPV. Findings highlight the potential for technological interventions to become a valuable addition to the resources available to young women.     

"I am witness to": a profile of Sakshi Violence Intervention Centre in New Delhi,India

Sakshi, a group formed in New Delhi, India, in 1992, seeks to create awareness of violence against women and promote justice for its victims. Its creation was spurred by the gang rape by police officers of a girl in custody and the subsequent minimization on the part of the Supreme Court of India of the seriousness of the crime. Program activities have included informational workshops for governmental and nongovernmental organizations, feminist legal research into violations of women's human rights, counseling for victims of violence, and sensitization programs for police and the judiciary. As a result of Sakshi's lobbying, the Supreme Court passed a set of Guidelines on Sexual Harassment at the Workplace in 1997. An ongoing problem has been Sakshi's dependence on donor funding and the related requirement of adopting development agencies' agendas rather than allowing development to be a demand-driven, needs-based process. Sakshi's experience has led to the awareness that violence cannot be countered by intervention measures alone; rather, program activities must be linked with other forms of gender development. The group has adopted use of the term "substantive equality" to form links between different systems in society and to empower women.     

Development practice and violence against women

Development research and practice reflect three main approaches to violence against women (VAW). The efficiency approach emphasizes the deleterious impact of VAW on medical costs, women's labor force participation, and the need for police involvement. A second approach focuses on VAW as an obstacle to their full participation in development programs. A third perspective conceptualizes VAW as a contradiction to human development, whether in terms of human rights, bodily integrity, or the need to enlarge personal choices and control. Education, networking, and employment are of central relevance to the resolution of domestic violence. Awareness of the possibility that women are experiencing violence should be central to all development interventions, regardless of their focus or target group. There is a danger, however, of viewing VAW as merely a correlate of underdevelopment or poverty. The dominant risk factor is not poverty; it is being female. Policy approaches must recognize the endemic nature of VAW, support research into prevalence, and address the unequal gender power relations that create such violence.     

A review of research on women's use of violence with male intimate partners

This article provides a review of research literature on women who use violence with intimate partners. The central purpose is to inform service providers in the military and civilian communities who work with domestically violent women. The major points of this review are as follows: (a) women's violence usually occurs in the context of violence against them by their male partners; (b) in general, women and men perpetrate equivalent levels of physical and psychological aggression, but evidence suggests that men perpetrate sexual abuse, coercive control, and stalking more frequently than women and that women also are much more frequently injured during domestic violence incidents; (c) women and men are equally likely to initiate physical violence in relationships involving less serious "situational couple violence," and in relationships in which serious and very violent "intimate terrorism" occurs, men are much more likely to be perpetrators and women victims; (d) women's physical violence is more likely than men's violence to be motivated by self-defense and fear, whereas men's physical violence is more likely than women's to be driven by control motives; (e) studies of couples in mutually violent relationships find more negative effects for women than for men; and (f) because of the many differences in behaviors and motivations between women's and men's violence, interventions based on male models of partner violence are likely not effective for many women.