上海多性伴性行为现状及其影响因素研究

本文利用上海市的调查数据,首先考察了上海市多性伴性行为的性别差异,接着从阶层归属、家庭亲属生活、性爱生活和性别规范四个层面对多性伴性行为的影响因素进行理论建构。研究结果表明：在多性伴性行为中,“生理需要论”并不起作用;“资本运作”和“环境影响”取代“阶层归属”发挥显性作用;“婚内感情论”具有一定合理性但也存在时效性,“头两年之痒”和“七年之痒”并存;“越轨”性行为具有连贯性;性别规范通过中间变量（两性在社会、家庭和性领域的角色扮演）间接影响两性的性活动方式。因此,我们需要以社会性别视角鉴别女性“性革命”成功与否,思考女性在性地位上是真正解放还是重新被奴役。     

农民工社会认同的决定因素研究：基于上海的实证分析

本文首次从国际移民的涵化理论视角对农民工的社会认同方式及决定因素进行探讨,通过对上海市农民工抽样调查数据的实证分析发现,农民工作为国家内部城乡移民的重要组成部分,其社会认同存在以户籍为基础的制度性约束和以资源匮乏为特征的能动性限制。农民工社会认同主要受文化态度、社会交往、经济成功和社会环境四类变量的影响,农民工的个体人口统计特征也会影响城市认同的意愿。当地语言的熟练程度、与当地人交朋友的意愿（而非与外省市的农民工交朋友）、类似群体的收入地位水平、感知到的社会歧视程度和参与保险的程度都成为重要的决定因素。因此,公共政策的制定与执行应该要有助于农民工的心理层面的社会认同的转变,尤其是从“外地人”向“本地人”的认知转型。     

社会分层与健康不平等的性别差异:基于生命历程的纵向分析

本研究考察在社会分层与性别分层的交互作用下,生命历程中的两个竞争性理论--“累积优势/劣势理论”和“年龄中和效应理论”,哪一个更能解释中国男性和女性所经历的健康不平等。本研究利用“中国健康与营养调查”（CHNS）追踪数据和成长曲线模型发现,性别对社会分层导致的健康不平等及其发展有独特的影响。与男性相比,女性在各个年龄阶段都处于健康劣势,这一劣势是因为女性从教育和收入所获得的健康回报比男性低。此外,女性之间因为教育和收入导致的健康不平等程度随年龄的增长而缩小,男性之间的健康不平等程度并不随年龄的增长而改变,因此,本研究不支持健康不平等的“累积优势/劣势假说”,而是在女性群体中支持“年龄中和效应理论”。     

中国新生代农民工：社会态度和行为选择

20世纪80年代以后出生的“新生代农民工”现已达到约1亿人,成为中国社会转型过程中破除城乡二元结构、加快推动城镇化进程的关键人群。与“老一代农民工”相比,新生代农民工的价值取向和行为规则等已发生很大变化。本文基于中国社会科学院社会学所2008年“全国社会状况综合调查”数据,比较分析了新生代农民工的收入状况、受教育水平、工作技能、消费特征和地位认同,并重点分析了“代际”（新生代）和“阶层”（农民工）两个因素对新生代农民工的处境、行为取向和社会态度的影响,以及收入、生活压力和社会态度三者之间的关系。研究发现,生活压力的变化和个人权利意识的增强,对新生代农民工的社会态度和行为取向具有非常重要的影响。     

中国网民的意识形态立场及其形成——一个实证的分析

本文以4 000多份网民的调查问卷数据为依据,对中国公众的“左”“右”意识形态立场的现状、特征及其起源进行了分析。研究发现,中国“左”“右”派网民与西方国家的“左”“右”派在基础性政治心理特性上恰好相反,中国的“左派”相对于右派而言,具有更为显著的威权人格特征,也更倾向于维护现有社会秩序和传统价值,在对外态度上更为强硬和排外。右派比“左派”更关注社会公平、限制公权力和赞同后现代价值。从信息接触和政治心理两个理论视角进行分析后发现,媒体影响和威权人格对网民意识形态立场的形成均有明显影响。笔者认为,在新媒体时代,随着信息源日益多元,相对于外在的信息而言,个体内在的威权人格对个人意识形态立场形成的影响可能会更强。     

性别操演理论的经验解释与女性主义方法论反思——以高层两性人才访谈为例

本文运用对高层两性人才的访谈资料，尝试将巴特勒的性别操演理论做经验研究和现实解释，观察两性在性别操演时展现的灵动性和真诚性，并将该理论与女性主义方法论作对比，反思后者潜在的“受害人假定”和“对性别的过度归因”等问题，进而讨论女性主义方法论对研究对象的遴选标准、对研究内容的界定标准和建立于性别差异基础上的研究预设等所遭遇的合法性危机。最后，本文尝试将性别操演理论与女性主义方法论对接，以探讨性别操演理论对性别研究的意义。     

伦:中国人之思想与社会的共同基础

“伦”字及其含义究竟属中国传统社会思想还是社会构成方式,以及它在中国社会学研究中占有什么地位,存有许多重要而未尽的讨论空间。作者首先梳理了近代以来中国重要思想家及社会学家的见解,尤其是他们对“五伦”的认识,以此廓清“伦”的社会学含义。在此基础之上,作者接着通过与西方社会学中关于自我、角色、社会网络、社会分层及不平等等方面的比较与对话,提出了“伦”自身所包含的意义、公理、相关定理及其现实社会运行与变异。对“伦”之社会学含义的层层解读,有助于明晰中国人与中国社会的基本特质、相应的运行方式及其机制,并形成一种解读中国人与中国社会的新途径。     

反学校文化与阶级再生产：“小子”与“子弟”之比较

作者通过对北京某打工子弟学校的田野调查后发现，在农民工“子弟”中间盛行着类似《学做工》中所描述的工人阶级“小子”的反学校文化。但是，由于制度安排与社会条件的差异，“子弟”与“小子”的反学校文化却是形似质异的。“子弟”的“反抗”更多是一种自我放弃的表达形式而非对支配秩序的洞察与抗争。文章进一步分析了“子弟”反学校文化的生产机制后指出，农民工劳动力再生产的低成本组织模式导致“子弟”高度边缘化的生存状态，这使得他们难以通过教育向上流动，从而以拒绝知识的形式放弃了学业，也因此完成了作为底层的社会再生产。     

男民工与阶层、社会性别、性的主体建构

农民工的“性”问题日益受到社会的关注。本文基于北京地区四个工地136位民工的访谈,以工地男民工“谈小姐”为切入点,将“谈小姐”视为男民工日常生活中的言说实践,以扎根理论的视角来探究“谈话”这种日常活动的建构意义。本文并不停留于男民工对“小姐”形象（谈论的客体）的构建,而是更进一步地探讨：（1）在“谈小姐”的言说实践过程中男民工如何构建出自身的阶层地位、社会性别与性文化;（2）分析阶层、社会性别、性这三者的关系。通过这种主体建构的呈现,本文试图揭示男民工如何寻找自己在这个社会中的定位,以及寻找现实生活中积极的生存策略。     

教育程度与分配公平感:结构地位与相对剥夺视角下的双重考察

基于结构决定与相对剥夺的两种视角,本文研究发现了教育程度对收入分配公平感的复杂影响路径。教育程度作为优势性地位获得,对分配公平感存在正向影响。教育程度越高,收入分配公平感越强。但这种正向影响也存在条件性：教育作为个人地位投资,激发相应的回报期待,随着基于教育投入的期待收入与实际收入差距的扩大,这种正向影响会降低,且教育程度越高,降低的幅度越大。这一条件性的发现有利于解释既有研究的矛盾结论,具有重要的社会意涵：当教育投资作为“制度化手段”无法实现地位获得这一“文化目标”时,这种“断裂”可能会引发“分配不公”的心理失范。     

Gender, Interpersonal Power, and Social Influence

This article reviews research on gender differences in power and their effect on social influence. Evidence indicates that men generally possess higher levels of expert and legitimate power than women do and that women possess higher levels of referent power than men do. These differences are reflected, to some extent, in the influence strategies used by men and women and, more clearly, in gender differences in social influence. Women generally have greater difficulty exerting influence than men do, particularly when they use influence that conveys competence and authority. These findings indicate that gender differences in influence are mediated by gender differences in power.     

Exploring the Gender Gap in Support for a Woman for President

The gender gap in support for a female presidential candidate gathered much media attention with Hillary Clinton as a frontrunner for the 2008 democratic presidential nomination. Two common explanations for this gap are that women have more liberal gender role and political attitudes. We contend that another important, and distinct, factor for heightened support among women is a shared social identity. We tested these three explanations across two studies. In Study 1, hierarchical regression analyses revealed that both attitudes toward women and sex independently predict a significant proportion of the variance in willingness to elect a woman for president. In Study 2, hierarchical regression analyses showed that when entered together, attitudes toward female authority and sex independently predict support, but when political attitudes was entered, only sex and political attitudes predicted support for Clinton. Finally, as expected, when primed with their gender identity, women increased their support for Clinton and men decreased their support, and women perceived her more favorably and men less so. In sum, these studies strongly support the arguments that the gender gap in support for female presidential candidates stems in part from women's more liberal gender role and political attitudes, and also from women sharing the same gender social identity as a female candidate for commander in chief .     

The Personal and Social Correlates of a Gender Difference Ideology

In our society, widely shared strong beliefs about differences between women and men in interests, competencies, and roles are ubiquitous. This paper explores the powerful, problematic and widespread influence of this gender difference ideology, and presents examples from areas of personal experience, family life, paid employment, and social interaction. It is proposed that the relationship between a gender ideology and social behavior is a complex one and that beliefs do not necessarily precede behavior. A final section presents challenges to a gender difference ideology and suggests that, because our construction of gender is inextricably tied to inequality, our study of gender must focus on the process and conditions that underlie the construction.     

Gender and Social Security Reform in Africa

As a result of pressures from structural adjustment policies, persistent poverty and slow economic growth in most African countries, there is widespread reform of formal social security systems in the region. The designs for reform have ignored gender concerns and non-formal social security systems, yet it is widely known that women and men have different experiences in the labour market and that non-formal systems are currently the main source of social security for most women and men, especially in rural communities. The paper points out the efficiency and equity costs of ignoring gender and non-formal social security systems and proposes action for policymakers.     

SPECIAL ISSUE： SOCIAL CHANGE AND CHINESE WOMEN Labor and Divisions between Sisters： A Case Study of the He Ji Restaurant Production Regime

本文从性别视角出发，借助布洛维“生产政体”理论的分析框架，对服务业女性农民工的劳动过程展开分析，探讨同一家酒楼中女工的内部分裂。劳动者工场之外的社会、文化身份对她们的工场表现有关键作用。酒楼管理方利用社会文化传统对女性年龄的社会性别建构及其造成的家庭角色和社会责任的差异，对女性劳动者实施分而治之的管理策略，并得到劳动者自身的认可和响应，导致“大姐”处于专制型的管理方式，“小妹”身处霸权型的管理方式。     

Exploratory analysis of verbal aggression in romantic relationships among unmarried men and women: Predictive patterns by gender and race

This is an exploratory study that examined verbal aggression in romantic relationships among unmarried Black and White women and men as a function of gender and race. We employed an ecological approach to examine the receipt of verbal aggression separately for men and women at the levels of individual, relationship, and community. We also explored whether gender-specific correlates of verbal aggression interacted with race. Analyses were based on a sample of 212 women and 133 men in non-marital romantic relationships recruited from 21 U.S. cities for a larger study. Linear mixed-effects models revealed that factors related to experiencing verbal aggression differed substantially for unmarried women and men in romantic relationships. Interesting racial differences also emerged distinctly for women and men.     

流动模式与农民工婚姻稳定性研究:基于性别和世代的视角

基于广州2016年的“农民工社会融合与婚姻家庭调查”数据,本文从性别和世代的角度系统探讨了农民工的婚姻稳定性问题。分析结果表明,新生代农民工的婚姻稳定性显著低于第一代农民工,女性农民工婚姻稳定性低于男性农民工,且新生代女性农民工婚姻稳定性最低。流动模式对农民工婚姻稳定性具有显著影响,且这种影响存在性别和世代差异,其中流动模式形塑着农民工的婚姻收益和离婚阻力,流动模式对农民工婚姻稳定性的影响,同时又受到具体的性别效应和世代效应的共同影响,其中的脆弱性差异机制可以解释流动模式对农民工婚姻稳定性影响的性别效应和世代效应。     

家庭背景与教育：婚姻中地位交换的性别与时期差异

本文利用2018年“中国家庭追踪调查”（CFPS）数据,使用对数线性模型,分析了1978～2018年家庭背景与自身教育在择偶过程中地位交换的性别与时期差异。研究发现,在跨越出身阶层与自身教育地位的异质婚中,夫妻一方会利用自身的相对教育地位优势交换另一方的相对出身阶层优势,这支持了地位交换论。1978～1991年结婚的夫妻中,女性更多通过相对教育优势交换男性的相对出身优势。随着时间的推移,出身阶层与教育在择偶过程中的地位交换强度不断增强,但更多体现在男性通过自身相对教育优势交换女性相对出身优势的婚配模式上,而女性的这一婚配模式呈先降后升趋势。可见,随着时代变迁,家庭背景在女性的向上婚姻流动中扮演着越来越重要的角色。     

Social Policy for Poor Rural People in Colombia: Reinforcing Traditional Gender Roles and Identities?

This article provides a 'situated' gender analysis of the Colombian conditional cash transfer programme, Familias en Acción, offering empirical evidence from a specific rural setting. This 'located' approach shows that generalizations about gender implications of conditional cash transfer programmes in Latin America do not always fit neatly with realities. The article shows how the implementation of these programmes in a specific rural context, the municipality of Paipa, reflects a reinforcement of traditional gender allocations and responsibilities. At the same time, the local authorities, official workers and the mothers adapt the social programmes to recent gender trends. For example, men may carry out some domestic activities single-handedly, take care of children without their wives, women may leave men, and women and men may work together in off-farm activities, with husbands and wives taking joint decisions about domestic issues. In other words, the gender effects of the Familias en Acción programme in rural settings currently move between old gender customs and practices and changeable gender conditions. In Latin-American terms, it is possible to say that these conditions range between 'machismo' and 'feminist liberalization'.     

Should mothers work? Age and attitudes in Germany,Italy and Sweden

Welfare states are constructed around values and political and economic preferences, creating social relationships between the genders. As women increase their labour market participation, new patterns of conflict within families and around policies arise. In this article, attitudes towards family and gender relations among men and women in different age groups in Germany, Italy and Sweden are analysed. The findings show that national policies seem to influence the level of attitudes among men and women. Despite the differences between the countries, an overall pattern emerges in which both age and gender influence people's understanding of women's paid work within and between the three countries. Finally, some implications of changing attitudes on welfare state policies for gender equality are discussed.