The Standard of Living of the Workers in a Spanish Industrial Town: Wages,Nutrition, Life Expentancy and Heigth in Alcoy (1870–1930)

This is the first study that empirically examines how migration influences migrants’ time use patterns in China, utilizing a mixed-method approach. We systematically estimate the migration effects on weekly hours on working, leisure, personal care and domestic responsibilities, based on data from the nationally representative 2010 Chinese Family Panel Studies. We then supplement these analyses with in-depth interviews conducted in Beijing to further understand the underlying mechanisms. Compared with urban locals, rural-to-urban migrants have longer work hours and less leisure time. The largest differences are found among men. On average, migrant men work 5 h longer and have 7 fewer hours of leisure per week than urban local men. These differences are moderated by migrants’ and their parents’ socioeconomic status, and their family responsibilities. The in-depth interviews reveal that the busier work schedules are largely motivated by the transient nature of most rural-to-urban migration and the overwhelming economic pressures for household establishment and career development.     

Increasing Paid Work Time? A New Puzzle for Multinational Time-diary Research

This explores the reasons that paid work time may be rising, at least in anglophone countries. Three explanations are discussed. (1) An historical reversal of the work/leisure gradient with respect to social position or social status. This gradient was once positive, but is now negative; evidence of this change from 11 developed countries is drawn from the Multinational Time Use study. (2) Paid work is becoming, on average, pleasanter, intrinsically more rewarding and desirable as an activity in itself, hence modifying the motive for reducing it. (3) An unexpected interaction between gendered preferences for different sorts of work, combined with a strain toward fairness between marital partners, over a period of women’s increasing presence in paid work, may encourage men to increase their paid but not their unpaid work.     

Couples’ time together: complementarities in production versus complementarities in consumption

Economists have previously suggested that gains from marriage can be generated by complementarities in production (gains from specialization and exchange) or by complementarities in consumption (gains from joint consumption of household public goods and joint time consumption). This paper uses the American Time Use Survey (ATUS) from 2003 to 2011 to test whether couples that engage in less specialization (are more similar in hours of market work) spend more time together. We find that among married couples without young children, those with a greater difference in weekly hours of work between husband and wife spend less time together on non-working weekend days. Importantly, we find that this relationship is quite symmetric between couples in which the husband works greater hours and couples in which the wife works greater hours. We do not find evidence of a relationship between specialization and couple time together among couples with young children.     

Childless or Childfree? Paths to Voluntary Childlessness in Italy

This article investigates childlessness in Italy. Trends in childlessness are presented and compared with trends elsewhere in Europe. Different paths to childlessness are outlined, using data from a survey carried out among childless women aged 40‐44 in five Italian cities in 2002. Individual characteristics of the childless and reasons for childlessness are investigated. As many as one‐third of the interviewees who live with a partner and do not suffer from any physical impediment are voluntarily childless. These women, in contrast to mothers, appear to be less religious and to have partners who are less religious; they tend to come from smaller families; to have been in a nonmarital cohabitation at least once in life; to have entered their first union later; and to have had, in the initial period of their union, temporary work and flexible work schedules and limited leisure time. In other cases, childlessness is the unintended outcome of a decision to delay having a child or the result of adverse external circumstances, particularly dissolution of partnership.     

Are the Real Time Costs of Children Equally Shared by Mothers and Fathers?

This article attempts to estimate the time cost of children in France for couples who do not forgo any income, on the basis of the INSEE 1998–1999 time use survey. Having a child involves an increase in domestic work and/or the dedication of occupational income to pay for childcare. The reduction in “time for oneself”—leisure and personal care, i.e. 24 h less working hours paid or unpaid—is modelled for a dual-earner couple in full-time employment who do not use childcare services to increase his/her leisure time. Taking a couple in full-time employment avoids income endogeneity bias, since income is reduced by career interruption and part-time employment. These estimates account for this selection by full-time paid work. The article shows that time cost is roughly 1 h 30 min a day for a child aged 3–14, and is 4 h a day for each younger child. As this cost rises, the more fathers sacrifice some of their free time. The father and mother of two young children with a childminder thus each have only 11 hours of free time (including sleep) per day. The time cost of a large family (3 children) is equivalent to a full-time job on the labour market. In France, work-life balance policies and family pension entitlements only cover a small part of this cost.     

Attitudes toward items of time budgets as predictors of time uses: The case of men-v-women

This study explores the impact of attitudes that men-v-women hold toward work and leisure activities on time spent on these activities in order to determine whether which sex shows a higher level of relationship. An empirical data survey using mail questionnaires was undertaken in Montréal and in Toronto with five socio-economic strata. Results show that women's attitudes are better predictors of time spent on leisure than men's attitudes, that women's time spent at work and home chore is higher than men's counterpart and that gender explain significantly more variance in time spent at work and on leisure than attitudes. In order to assess the sole effects of gender, the variance attributable to other socio-demographic variables (age, culture, education, profession and income) was cancelled through regressions on these variables and further statistics of the residuals of these regressions. It is concluded that the deterministic view that exogenous variables explain time budgets is more adequate than the voluntaristic views; that women work more and attribute more value to leisure than men.     

Veblen in Reverse: Evidence from the Multinational Time-Use Archive

This paper explores the historical change in the work-leisure balance using time-diary evidence. Much of the recent discussion of this balance in the developed world has focused on paid work alone. What follows takes a different approach, considering the balance of all work time (paid plus unpaid) against leisure time and observes a tendency over recent decades for leisure to decline relative to work in this broad sense. Much is changing, in employment, family and consumption terms over this period. One possibility is that the relative increase in work time reflects the reversal of the status/leisure gradient: the financially privileged classes, which once had more leisure than others, now have less. But the paper closes with the speculation that this increase in work time for both men and women may be indirectly connected with the phenomenon of the women’s “dual burden”, via an unconsidered but nevertheless important principle of fairness in the distribution of work within households.     

Maternal employment and time with children: Dramatic change or surprising continuity?

Despite the rapid rise in mothers' labor force participation, mothers' time with children has tended to be quite stable over time. In the past, nonemployed mothers' time with children was reduced by the demands of unpaid family work and domestic chores and by the use of mother substitutes for childcare, especially in large families. Today employed mothers seek ways to maximize time with children: They remain quite likely to work part-time or to exit from the labor force for some years when their children are young; they also differ from nonemployed mothers in other uses of time (housework, volunteer work, leisure). In addition, changes in children's lives (e.g., smaller families, the increase in preschool enrollment, the extended years of financial dependence on parents as more attend college) are altering the time and money investments that children require from parents. Within marriage, fathers are spending more time with their children than in the past, perhaps increasing the total time children spend with parents even as mothers work more hours away from home.     

Overtime in Relation to Blood Pressure and Mood During Work, Leisure, and Night Time

This study examined the association between characteristics of the workplace and overtime. A sample of 117 women and 126 men were assessed over 24 hours of a working day by means of a computerized diary and ambulant monitoring of blood pressure. Of the total sample, 178 participants had a contractual weekly working time of 40 hours. Of these, 106 participants worked overtime (OT) and 72 worked regular time (RT). Contrary to expectations, a significant association was found between the amount of OT and the quality of task design (e.g., high decision latitude, high level of freedom). Men and women working OT had less leisure time, and men also reported less obligatory time (e.g., time for household, childcare etc.) than those working RT. Women, but not men, working OT had a higher systolic and diastolic blood pressure during work than those working RT. Significantly more participants in the group of men and women working OT were found to have a disturbed ability to recover and to display clinically relevant sleep disturbances than in the group working regular hours. Furthermore, working OT was associated with less positive affect after work (obligatory and leisure time) in men, and with more negative affect during work and before going to bed in men and women. The results imply the need for jobs that can be finished within regular working hours and that give employees opportunities for job control. Such jobs enable a balance to be found between work load and recovery and represent a prerequisite for occupational health and well-being.     

Marital Status and Mothers’ Time Use: Childcare,Housework, Leisure,and Sleep

Assumptions that single mothers are “time poor” compared with married mothers are ubiquitous. We tested theorized associations derived from the time poverty thesis and the gender perspective using the 2003–2012 American Time Use Surveys (ATUS). We found marital status differentiated housework, leisure, and sleep time, but did not influence the amount of time that mothers provided childcare. Net of the number of employment hours, married mothers did more housework and slept less than never-married and divorced mothers, counter to expectations of the time poverty thesis. Never-married and cohabiting mothers reported more total and more sedentary leisure time than married mothers. We assessed the influence of demographic differences among mothers to account for variation in their time use by marital status. Compositional differences explained more than two-thirds of the variance in sedentary leisure time between married and never-married mothers, but only one-third of the variance between married and cohabiting mothers. The larger unexplained gap in leisure quality between cohabiting and married mothers is consistent with the gender perspective.     

Continuous training in Germany

Using data from the German Socio Economic Panel, I analyze the incidence, financing, and returns to workplace training in Germany for the years 1986 to 1989. Much of this training seems general, and is provided to workers by their employer at no direct cost. While workers typically report larger productivty gains from the training during work hours, such training has lower returns than training undertaken during leisure time. Workers with higher earnings growth seem more likely to participate in training. I deal with this selection problem by estimating models that allow for inidividual level heterogeneity in earnings growth rates. Received: 24 November 1997/Accepted: 27 March 2000     

Parental time and working schedules

This paper investigates the effects of working schedules and of other characteristics (including family composition) on the time devoted by mothers and fathers to different activities with children in Canadian households, by using 1992 and 1998 Canadian Time Use Surveys. Switching regression models and models with selection allow us to simultaneously model labour market participation, type of work schedules and allocation of parental time. Working time has a negative and very significant effect on parental time. Hours worked during the day or at night exert a similar effect on parental time, but the impact of hours worked in the evening is by far larger. Time worked in the evening mainly decreases leisure and social activities with children.

How Accurate are German Work-time Data? A Comparison of Time-diary Reports and Stylized Estimates

This study compares work time data collected by the German Time Use Survey (GTUS) using the diary method with stylized work time estimates from the GTUS, the German Socio-Economic Panel, and the German Microcensus. Although on average the differences between the time-diary data and the interview data is not large, our results show that significant deviations exist between these two techniques for certain types of individuals, especially those with long working hours and flexible work schedules. We also show that stylized work time estimates have insufficient variation to reproduce a true picture of working hours.     

Timing,togetherness and time windfalls

With appropriate data the analysis of time use, labor supply and leisure can move beyond the standard questions of wage and income elasticities of hours supplied. I present four examples: 1) American data from 1973 through 1997 show that the amount of evening and night work in the U.S. has decreased. 2) The same data demonstrate that workers whose relative earnings increase experience a relative diminution of the burden of work at unpleasant times. 3) U.S. data for the 1970s and 1990s demonstrate that spouses' work schedules are more synchronized than would occur randomly; synchrony among working spouses diminished after the 1970s; and the full-income elasticity of demand for it was higher among wives than among husbands in the 1970s but equal in the 1990s. 4) Dutch time-budget data for 1990 show that the overwhelming majority of the windfall hour that occurred when standard time resumed was used for extra sleep. Received: 6 July 2000/Accepted: 20 January 2001 Daniel S. Hamermesh is Edward Everett Hale Centennial Professor, University of Texas at Austin; research associate, National Bureau of Economic Research, and Forschungsinstitut zur Zukunft der Arbeit. I thank the National Science Foundation for support under Grants SBR-9422429 and SES-9904699, and two anonymous referees, Gerard Pfann, the late Lee Lillard, Gerald Oettinger, Steve Trejo and participants at the ESPE Conference and at seminars at the University of Bristol and Warwick University for helpful comments. Responsible editor: Klaus F. Zimmermann.     

Time for Children: Trends in the Employment Patterns of Parents, 1967–2009

Using data from the 1967–2009 years of the March Current Population Surveys (CPS), we examine two important resources for children’s well-being: time and money. We document trends in parental employment, from the perspective of children, and show what underlies these trends. We find that increases in family work hours mainly reflect movements into jobs by parents—particularly mothers, who in prior decades would have remained at home. This increase in market work has raised incomes for children in the typical two-parent family but not for those in lone-parent households. Time use data from 1975 and 2003–2008 reveal that working parents spend less time engaged in primary childcare than their counterparts without jobs but more than employed peers in previous cohorts. Analysis of 2004 work schedule data suggests that non-daytime work provides an alternative method of coordinating employment schedules for some dual-earner families.     

Time for children: A study of parent's time allocation

The trade-off between parents' time with their own kids and market work, and its dependence on out-of-home day care is analyzed in a simultaneous equation framework. Economic incentives primarily work through decisions about market work, while the direct effects on time with children are weak. The results suggest that a change in the mother's working hours has less influence on the parents' time with their children than a change in the father's working hours. This would imply that a policy working to increase the time with people's own children should primarily influence the father's work hours. We also find that parents prefer joint activities with their children, and that out-of-home child care is not chosen as a substitute for own time with children. Received: 1 February 2000/Accepted: 22 May 2002 All correspondence to Daniel Hallberg. Helpful comments and suggestions from Henry Ohlsson and anonymous referees are gratefully acknowledged. We also appreciate comments from Martin Browning and seminar participants at Uppsala and Ume? universities. Financial support from the Swedish Council for Social Research (SFR) is gratefully acknowledged. Responsible editor: John F. Ermisch.     

Flexible Work Hours and Other Job Factors in Parental Time with Children

Flexible working hours are typically seen to be advantageous to working parents, as the flexible hours more easily allow responsibilities of care and employment be balanced. But do flexible work hours actually mean that parents can spend more time with their children? This article explores this for parents of young children in Australia. The analyses use the time use diaries of children in the two cohorts of the Longitudinal Study of Australian Children (LSAC), from the first wave of the study in 2004. The study children in each cohort were aged about one year old and 4–5 years old. For each child, a weekday and weekend diary were completed, giving 5,579 weekday diaries and 4,478 weekend diaries. The diaries captured details of the children’s activities and of who they were with in each 15 min period of a day, and so allowed calculation of the total amount of time the child was with their mother and with their father. Multivariate analyses were used to determine whether amounts of mother-child and father-child time varied according to flexibility of work hours, taking account also of other job characteristics, family and child characteristics. The analyses showed that flexible work hours had only weak independent relationships with mothers’ and fathers’ time with children. Inasmuch as flexible hours are beneficial for parents, it appears that this is related to their ability to distribute their time between work and family time, rather than giving them more time with children.     

Time Use Patterns Between Maintenance,Subsistence and Leisure Activities: A Case Study in China

The Chinese government conducted its first time use survey of the activities of Chinese individuals in 2008. Activities were classified into three broad types, maintenance activities, subsistence activities and leisure activities. Time use patterns were defined by an individuals’ time spent on maintenance, subsistence and leisure activities each day. We analyzed the time use patterns of different population segments, such as gender, region, age, employment status, and income. Rural residents spend 2 h per day more on SA than urban residents. Five of the employment status categories; migrant workers, full-time students, retirees, the unemployed, and Home-makers, each have unique time schedules. Moreover, time use patterns vary greatly between the different age groups and different income levels. The relationships between the time spent on maintenance, subsistence, and leisure activities were analyzed. Time spent on subsistence activities each day were negatively correlated with time spent on maintenance and leisure activities. The time spent on maintenance activities was positively correlated with the time spent on leisure activities. The ratio of time spent on maintenance, subsistence and leisure activities in China is compared with that in Japan, America and New Zealand. A new term, Time Structure, was coined to describe the ratio of individual time spent on maintenance, subsistence and leisure activities. The time structure in China is 60:24:16 and differs from the structures found in the other countries examined.     

Valuing Time: A Conference Overview

The article provides an overview of the development of the field of time use studies. It provides an intellectual history charting the various interests that have shaped the growing applications of this broad social indicator. Recent applications, reflected in this special issue, are (a) interpreting the meaning of leisure, time; (b) the social and environmental consequences of affluence; and (c) non-market work, parenting and balance between work and family. New approaches to trends in average leisure time have attempted to interpret the impact of social and technological change on the meaning of leisure. These approaches suggest that the ‘economic emergence of women’ rather than the ‘IT revolution’ has been the more influential trend and that being ‘busy’ may have replaced conspicuous idleness as the signifier of social status. These new forms of social organization in advanced societies have also attracted a great deal of research on children’s use of time, parenting and work-family balance. An important new application for time-use information has been in the study of ‘diseases of affluence’, the health consequences of increasing sedentary activities, and over-eating, the environmental consequences of consumerism, all of which leads to the need to reassess the economic significance of activities that occur beyond the market. A special feature of this article is an extensive review of approaches to valuation (in dollars and cents) of the outputs of unpaid (non-market) work. The article provides a framework for what activities it makes sense to value and the current ideas about ‘best practice’ methods of valuation.     

Patterns of Time Use Across the Life Span in Korea: A Latent Class Analysis and Age and Gender Differences

The purpose of this study was to gain an understanding of time use and the patterns of time use across the life span using a socioemotional selectivity theory. The data used for this study were from the “Korean Time Use Survey,” which is collected every 5 years by Statistics Korea (KOSTAT). The data collected in 1999, 2004, and 2009 were used to analyze the patterns of time use using latent class analyses and to observe the differences of time use by age and gender. The results were summarized as follows: Based on the analyses of nine behavior classifications, after sleep and personal care, Korean allocated more time in daily activities to relationship and leisure time, followed by education, paid work, and household management, with the order differing between each age group and gender. Three different classes of time use were classified at each age group. Education-centered time use was revealed to be mainly in the young, paid work-centered in the middle-aged, and relationship and leisure-centered in older adults. We find significant gender differences. Men’s patterns of time did not change markedly across the 3 years, while women’s patterns have shifted. Meanwhile, in the age 65 and older group, paid work appeared alongside as well as leisure among most prominent activities, were appeared as dominant forms of time use. This phenomenon is closely related to reflecting high rates of elderly poverty in Korea. Further discussions concerning the time use by age and gender were provided and countermeasures for changing time use in later life were discussed.