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汉字及其书写艺术--中国书法是中华民族传统文化的精髓,汉字的书写教育是传承这一民族传统文化的重要途径.然而,书写教育的现状却令人担忧.本文从文化传承的视角分析了书写教育的现状,阐述了汉字书写教育对于文化传承的重要意义,并从重视书写教育和深化书写教学入手,提出了传承民族文化的策略. 相似文献
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SHUNJI CUI 《Journal of historical sociology》2012,25(2):199-222
This paper employs concepts and analytical frameworks drawn from Sociology, particularly collective memory, to examine China's attempts – and the limitations of those attempts – to improve relations with Japan in the new century. In particular, it focuses on a specific episode, the attempt to bring “new thinking” to Sino-Japanese relations. It concludes that the difficulties and complexities are the product of many factors. In the first place, CCP is constrained by its own definition of nationalism and national identity. Secondly, Beijing's control mechanisms and its ability to direct nationalist discourse in ways convenient to itself are challenged by the rise of popular nationalistic sentiment. In addition, the rise of revisionist nationalism in Japan further complicates Beijing's stance toward Japan. The achievement of China's vision of harmonious world and of “Mutually Beneficial” relations with Japan will depend on how well China handles the delicate matters of the construction of national identity and the basis of government legitimacy. 相似文献
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There is evidence that females are less likely to cheat than males on college campuses. A frequently offered but still untested explanation is that females, with a stronger sense of responsibility for the maintenance of social relationships, tend to develop a stronger bond to a conventional society—a key explanatory concept in Hirschi’s (1969) social control theory. With academic cheating as the dependent variable, we test the hypotheses that the four elements of social bond are the intervening variables linking gender to such dishonesty among Japanese students who, due to their stronger orientation toward masculinity on Hofstede’s (1980) scale of gender role separation, are subject to more gender distinct socialization, leading to greater gender differences in the strength of social bond than those previously reported in the United States. The analysis provides rather limited support for the theory, most of which is due to the stronger belief in the legitimacy of societal rules among the females. 相似文献
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20世纪50年代至70年代,日本经济经历了长达20年之久的飞速增长。这期间,日本在追求经济效益的同时,也使得大量人文自然环境遭到破坏。因此,自20世纪80年代开始,日本社会关于保护人文自然环境的呼声日益高涨。本文通过介绍日本近代化产业遗产的概况,特别是以大牟田三井三池煤矿和足尾铜矿为具体事例,总结和分析日本保护利用矿业遗产的意义和作用,以期发现对我国矿山城市转型具有借鉴意义的经验。 相似文献
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近些年,北京非物质文化遗产传播工作稳步推进,非遗文化视野扩展、非遗文化触角延展、非遗文化传播方式更新形成值得关注的亮点,但仍然存在保护管理部门沟通欠缺、文化品牌建设尚待突破等新老问题,需要在文化传播实践中进一步打开思路,与时俱进,形成北京文化发展全局中鲜活的一页。 相似文献
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Kumiko Nemoto 《Gender, Work and Organization》2013,20(5):512-527
While the workplace custom of working long hours has been known to exacerbate gender inequality, few have investigated the organizational mechanisms by which long working hours translate into and reinforce the power and status differences between men and women in the workplace. Drawing on 64 in‐depth interviews with workers at financial and cosmetics companies in Japan, this article examines three circumstances in which a culture of long working hours is disadvantageous for women workers, and the consequences of those circumstances: (a) managers in Japanese firms, reinforcing gender stereotypes, prioritize work over personal and family lives; (b) non–career‐track women experience depressed aspirations in relation to long working hours and young women express a wish to opt out due to the incompatibility of work with family life; and (c) workers who are mothers deal with extra unpaid family work, stress such as guilt from leaving work early, salary reduction and concerns over their limited chances for promotion. The article argues that the norm of working long hours not only exacerbates the structural inequality of gender but also shapes employed women's career paths into the dichotomized patterns of either emulating workplace masculinity or opting out. 相似文献
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This paper begins with a brief critical review of the major perspectives in the debate concerning ownership and control of major corporations. After examination of a new source of data compiled by a Senate committee (pertaining especially to the expansion of stock control by institutional investors and, most importantly, by major commercial banks), we argue that none of these perspectives is strongly supported. In concluding we tentatively outline a perspective wliicli seems to provide a better “fit” to the data. We argue that the dominant force in the overall capitalist economy is now an “intercorporate complex” of major corporations, with banks in a central coordinating position (though short of “control”) and an inner group of the “corporate class” providing the human linkage. This form of control is what we call “intercorporate control,” based upon the impersonal interests of major, interrelated corporate bureaucracies. 相似文献
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MING-CHENG LO 《Journal of historical sociology》1994,7(2):198-223
Abstract This essay starts with the observation that the common perspective on third world nationalism, which emphasizes the centrality of West/non-West tensions, is inadequate in explaining the development of specific nationalist discourses in the third world. As an attempt to come closer to a good understanding of the specific situations of third world nationalism, it engages in a case study of post-war Taiwan, whose nationalist discourse had gone through three phases: Political Nationalism, Rational Nationalism, and Identity Nationalism. How and why these different phases developed constitutes my overarching question. Noting the importance of social relationships and the specificity of contextual constraints in the life of a nationalist movement, I develop a perspective which stresses relationality and contingency. This newperspective leads to the recognition of the centrality of the relationships among the ruling party (the KMT), Taiwanese nationalists, social groups in Taiwan, and the dominant regimes in the world system in understanding the transformation of the Taiwanese nationalist discourse. This study points to the multiplicity of domination and contention, the reflection upon which reveals that particular groups, such as the bourgeoisie, are likely to occupy contradictory positions in the nationalist struggle, and that such contradictions may amount to transformative forces. 相似文献
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Hiroshi Ishida 《International Journal of Japanese Sociology》1995,4(1):75-98
Abstract This study examines gender inequality in the distribution of various aspects of autonomy and authority in the workplace in Japan, Britain, and the United States. In all three societies, there are clear gender gaps in access to autonomy and authority relations, but the distributions are most unequal in Japan. The main part of this study involves the testing of four hypotheses which attempt to explain gender differences in autonomy and authority. The first hypothesis, which focuses on family responsibilities, receives limited support from the Japanese and British data. Japanese and British women are disadvantaged in obtaining managerial positions and supervising other employees by the presence of children. The human capital explanation of gender inequality in the workplace appears to be supported to some extent in Japan and Britain because gender gaps are reduced when we controlled for Render differences in education, tenure and work experience in these countries. The differential access to managerial positions is an important source of gender inequality in workplace social relations in all three countries. Nonetheless, significant gender gaps remain. especially in the United States. When all these factors (family responsibilities, human capital and managerial positions) are taken together, gender gaps are reduced substantially in Japan. In contrast. persistent gender inequality is found in the United States. 相似文献
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Joel Best 《The Sociological quarterly》1979,20(2):171-182
Sociologists have tended to neglect vindication, the process by which deviant behavior becomes redefined as respectable or legitimate. The few studies emphasize the importance of moral persuasion in bringing about vindication. Tobacco's early history suggests that economic interests can also play an important role. In the early seventeenth century, Europeans viewed tobacco as a deviant drug; but in spite of continued moral opposition, it was vindicated by the end of the century because powerful persons and agencies discovered that supporting the trans-Atlantic tobacco trade was in their economic interest. 相似文献
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Qualitative Sociology - 相似文献
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Kenneth D. Wald 《The International migration review》2008,42(2):273-301
Why do ethnic diasporas in the United States differ in their readiness for political mobilization on behalf of homeland interests? This study develops a tiered model of politicized ethnic identity emphasizing both individual‐level traits and group/collective properties. Using Zogby “Culture Polls,” the theory is tested on three Middle Eastern heritage groups in the United States (Jews, Arab Christians, Arab Muslims). Empirical analysis confirms that individuals differ in their readiness for mobilization around Middle East issues based on the strength of ties to the ethnic community and, net of such differences, each group varies based on the contexts of exit and reception it faced at the time of immigration. The findings suggest that studies of diaspora influence on American foreign policy need to take account of the mass base rather than focus exclusively on elite behavior. 相似文献
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非物质文化遗产被誉为"人类精神的家园",应该加以珍视。在保护的基础上,非物质文化遗产可以进行适当旅游开发。本文以大都市上海为背景,廓清了非物质文化遗产的特色、优势、作用、影响,以使非物质文化遗产重新走入大众视野,焕发出盎然生机,实现非物质文化遗产保护与旅游开发的"双赢"。 相似文献
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加强杭州文化遗产保护利用,建设"东方名城文化强市",对于树立杭州文化形象品牌,增强城市文化软实力、综合竞争力,提升杭州核心价值观,增强市民凝聚力创造力,促进杭州科学发展,都具有重要的现实价值和历史意义。 相似文献
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Saeko Kikuzawa 《International Journal of Japanese Sociology》1998,7(1):105-125
Abstract Since the pioneering work of Faris and Dunham (1938), a number of studies in the United States have documented an inverse association between socioeconomic status (SES) and mental illness both at the aggregate and the individual levels, and both for the treated and the general population. However, there are few studies of whether this relationship holds in other countries. This study examines socioeconomic characteristics and mental illness in Japan, which has a very different social stratification system from that of the United States. It was found that, at the aggregate level, the “inverse” association between socioeconomic characteristics and the rate of treated mental illness does not hold in Japan. Instead, the relationship is curvilinear: mental illness is higher in districts with large numbers of blue collar and upper white collar workers than in districts with large numbers of lower white collar workers. The effect of SES on mental illness operates through economic stress embedded in the macro social context. Because different social structures lead to different patterns of economic stress, the inverse relationship between socioeconomic status and mental health cannot be assumed to hold in all countries. 相似文献
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William K. Carroll 《Revue canadienne de sociologie》2007,44(3):265-288
Cet article se penche sur un programme de recherche qui a consigné les transitions qui ont été effectuées dans l'élite de l'entreprise canadienne et qui a enquêté dernièrement sur la formation d'une classe capitaliste transnationale. Le programme s'est concentré sur l'organisation sociale du pouvoir des grandes sociétés sous ses aspects à la fois cumulatifs et hégémoniques, telle qu'elle a été retrouvée par le réeseau des conseils d'administration interdépendants dans les plus grandes entreprises. Des événements récents au Canada illustrent les transitions qui semblent indispensables a la forme financière de l'accumulation et aux « politiques axées sur le marché» caractérisant le capitalisme néolibéral Dans l'ensemble, l'analyse du réseau démontre que la classe capitaliste transnationale ne se trouve qu'à l'état naissant malgré l'organisation sociale fournie par les réseaux internationaux et les groupes de planification de politiques mondiaux. This article reflects on a research program that has mapped transitions in the Canadian corporate elite and has more recently investigated the formation of a transnational capitalist class. The program has focussed on the social organization of corporate power in both its accumulative and hegemonic aspects, as traced by the network of interlwkmg directorates among the largest fms. Recent developments in Canada exempw transitions that seem integral to the fmancialized form of accumulation and the “market‐driven politics” that characterize neo‐liberal capitalism. Globally, network analysis shows the transnational capitalist class to be only nascent, despite the social organization provided by transnational interlocks and global policy‐planning groups. 相似文献