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1.
黄培昭 《阿拉伯世界》2001,(4):28-30,27
发生于去年9月底的巴以流血冲突,至今已一年多了。它一开始是自发的,但很快就被双方的政治层加以利用,演化成谈判桌上斗争的一种延续,无论是巴勒斯坦还是以色列,都想把武力和反武力的较量作为提高谈判要价的筹码。从发展看,通过起义突破《奥斯陆协议》条条框框的羁绊,在谈判中另辟蹊径,尽可能让美国敦促以色列做出让步,起码不过分地让以色列“牵着鼻子走”,是阿拉法特意欲实现的战略目标之一。  相似文献   

2.
2000年9月,巴以冲突爆发以来,以方不断强化以打击巴激进组织领导人和活跃分子为目标的"定点清除"政策.不可否认,短期内这种政策给巴激进组织和成员以沉重打击,在一定程度上使其行为有所约束.但是,此种违反国际法的"清除"政策遭到了国际社会的强烈谴责,也违背了以色列自身的长远利益.巴以冲突的历史表明,武力征服不了一个民族,巴以和平唯有通过政治谈判才能实现.  相似文献   

3.
中东这块一直是世界“热点”的地区,目前正发生着引人注目的变化。随着苏联解体和冷战的结束,原先美苏两家各支一派,阿以间甚至阿拉伯国家之间不断进行武力冲突的局面已经消失或程度正在减弱。中东的总体形势与冷战后的世界形势一样,也在趋向缓和,阿以通过谈判和平解决相互争端已成定局。中东和会自1991年启动至今3年多了,已取得了十分显著的成绩:巴以签署加沙和杰里科自治协议;约以正式签订和平条约,约且成为继埃及后第二个正式与以色列解除敌对关系的阿拉伯国家;叙以和黎以谈判也正在进一步深入进行。同时,一些海  相似文献   

4.
去年年底,在美国的大力斡旋下,以色列和叙利亚在华盛顿恢复了中断近4年的和谈.今年年初,以色列总理巴拉克和叙利亚外长沙雷在美国西弗吉尼亚州的小城谢泼兹敦开始了实质性谈判.由于双方仍在以色列从戈兰高地撤军这一关键问题上相持不下,原定于1月19日举行的第三轮谈判不得不无限期推迟.正当叙以会谈陷入僵局之时,黎巴嫩南部的局势风云突变,黎以边境冲突逐步升级.黎巴嫩问题在叙以和谈中的地位一时凸显出来,给叙以和谈增加不少变数,和平的前景更为难测.  相似文献   

5.
2000年9月,巴以冲突爆发以来,以方不断强化以打击巴激进组织领导人和活跃分子为目标的“定点清除”政策.不可否认,短期内这种政策给巴激进组织和成员以沉重打击,在一定程度上使其行为有所约束.但是,此种违反国际法的“清除”政策遭到了国际社会的强烈谴责,也违背了以色列自身的长远利益。巴以冲突的历史表明,武力征服不了一个民族,巴以和平唯有通过政治谈判才能实现.  相似文献   

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2005年3月17日,巴勒斯坦13个力量派别在开罗达成协议,接受巴自治当局提出的对以色列"熄火"(亦称"平静期")和停火建议.这标志着哈马斯对巴自治政府和巴解组织传统的立场和态度的重大转变,同时也标志着它对以色列斗争策略的战术变化.哈马斯进入巴勒斯坦决策层肯定会使巴自治政府在巴以谈判中的立场趋于强硬,中东和平进程因此会充满更多的变数.  相似文献   

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在多种因素的影响下,特朗普改变了美国历任总统的基本策略,推行了 一系列"以色列优先"的中东政策.特朗普政府"以色列优先"的中东政策主要包含四个方面:持续制造叙利亚内乱,帮助以色列"境外御敌";全面遏制伊朗缓解以色列面临的安全威胁;承认以色列对争议领土享有主权并满足以色列的扩张要求;推动以色列与阿拉伯国家关系缓和.特朗普政府以维护以色列利益为核心的中东政策在很大程度上加速了以色列政治目标的实现,为以色列捍卫自身利益提供了重要的政治资源,但也对中东地区安全局势的发展埋下重大隐患.  相似文献   

8.
自今年2月沙龙政府上台以来,巴以形势越发紧张,双方的武力冲突陡增,暴力活动频仍,和谈陷于全面停滞甚至倒退状态.文章就当前人们普遍关注的问题即巴勒斯坦"起义"、以巴双方的和谈立场、巴以局势走向等问题进行了认真的分析和探索,认为巴以谈判不会因为以色列政府更迭而毁于一旦,而是将在有关方面的推动下继续艰难曲折地谈下去,因为和平毕竟是巴以双方的最佳选择.  相似文献   

9.
在1992年5月15日以色列建国44周年前夕的一个晚上.巴勒斯坦著名文学家艾米勒·哈比巴家的电话铃突然响了,当他拿起电话听筒时,送入他耳朵的是以色列文化部长扎布隆·哈米尔的祝贺声:我十分高兴地祝贺你荣获以色列文学创作奖……艾米勒·哈比巴听完以色列文化部长哈米尔的祝贺,感到非常荣幸,立即拿起笔,写了一份声明:“我衷心感谢具有文学权威性、科学性和受人尊敬的评审委员会的成员们决定授予我以色列文学创作奖,感谢以色列文化部长扎布隆·哈米尔先生亲自打电话告知我这一消息”他  相似文献   

10.
2006年初,巴勒斯坦和以色列相继进行了两场重要的选举.哈马斯出人意料地战胜了法塔赫,在孤立的国际环境中组建了巴勒斯坦新政府.不久,以色列政坛也因沙龙退出利库德集团却又突然卧病而发生强震.持强硬立场的哈马斯和继承沙龙路线的前进党上台,使巴以政局发生重大变化,也使巴以局势和中东和平进程蒙上阴影.巴以内部政治势力的演变在很大程度上决定着决策者在和谈进程中的战略选择.剖析巴以政局巨变的背景,有助于更好地理解近年来巴以谈判陷入困境的原因,进而对巴以局势的走向作出较准确的判断.  相似文献   

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《Journal of Rural Studies》2000,16(3):285-294
We argue that a “free” market — that is, a market in which the state does not intervene — is a theoretical impossibility in a state society. In place of the natural economy view of a market apart from the state, we offer a social economy view of the inescapable social structuring of markets through state regulation. Even when states institute policies which prevent “interference” in a market, the enforcement power of the state is no less required. We thus distinguish between two forms of regulation: negative regulation — regulation which prevents interference — and positive regulation — regulation which enables interference. These two forms of regulation make possible two different conceptions of freedom, what Isaiah Berlin once termed “negative freedom” from agency and “positive freedom” to have agency. We argue that positive and negative freedom and positive and negative regulation are inseparable; freedom is always contextual. Through a discussion of the debate between industrial agriculture and environmentalists, we show that both supporters and critics of the “free” market are alike in their advocacy, often unacknowledged, of both negative and positive forms of regulation. Rather then a lessening of regulation, this debate represents the institution of a new regulatory regime out of the contest of interests. We conclude by considering the implications for democracy of the contextual character of freedom.  相似文献   

14.
Although a number of valuable models of central‐local relationships in the nonprofit sector have been developed, particularly in relation to federal structures, there has been a tendency to assume that in any given organizational relationship central‐local structures will follow one common pattern. We argue that wider strategies are available: central dependency along one dimension may run with greater local autonomy along another. Such mixed tight‐loose structures may be of considerable importance in the “boundaryless” organizational environment of the future.  相似文献   

15.
A generalized adult hostility toward youth derives from the complexities of the parent/child relationship, often mirrored in the helper/client and therapist/patient dyads. Parents derive considerable or little narcissistic gain from the accomplishments of their offspring, and conversely, are disappointed or even mortified by their failures. This is particularly true of narcissistically vulnerable parents—helpers and therapists as well—and accounts for widespread attitudes of competition, disparagement, and outright hostility toward young people. In the extreme, the pathological situations of emotional exploitation, incest, and physical abuse occur, but lesser forms of exploitation, such as personally gratifying advocacy, political gain, cultism, and enhancement of professional status, point to similar, but seemingly less destructive, forms of narcissistic gain. Youth may respond by conforming, defying, disappointing, and deviating. Adults may be either pleased, or enraged.  相似文献   

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This paper seeks to explore the place of kramats the graves of Muslim saints or Auliyah – in the landscape of contemporary Cape Town. The kramat sites have been proclaimed as heritage sites because of their importance as tangible signs of Islam at the Cape. At the same time, the process of the kramats becoming heritage sites has contained moments of intense, often sensational, public contestation. Offering a reading of the discourses surrounding two contested kramats in Cape Town, this paper explores the way kramats mark out a miraculous space in the prosaic modern city and introduce into the post-apartheid evaluation of heritage, alternative conceptions of space and notions of temporality. They are sites of impossibility where, it is claimed, the laws of nature themselves are interrupted to mark the intangible particularities of the site. This paper explores what happens when this miraculous space is subject to the demands of private property and municipal law and the conflicts that arise from this collision of different conceptual and experiential modalities. It considers the effects of the entanglement of legend and history that result from the production of these sites as heritage in a market-driven economy.  相似文献   

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ABSTRACT

Whilst the fall of state socialism in 1989 opened up a space for the Polish LGBT movement to emerge and develop, over the last three decades the process has taken place against the backdrop of material and ideological constraints of neoliberalization, a point that has been largely overlooked in the scholarship on the Polish LGBT movement. Informed by interviews with Polish LGBT activists this article explores the contradictory ways in which processes of neoliberalization and market logic influence and often constrain the Polish LGBT movement. The argument is that neoliberalization and its logic profusely affect what is possible and desirable for the Polish LGBT movement on a personal, local as well as a national level. The contradictory effects of the processes of neoliberalization combined with the political climate, with minimal or no state support for LGBT organizing, result in a movement that is at the mercy of the market-like environment, under-resourced, dependent almost entirely on voluntary labor and spatially scarce.  相似文献   

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