网络时代亲子冲突的社会学分析

亲子冲突是现代家庭亲子关系研究的一个重要方面,亲子关系的疏离、紧张已经成为一个不可忽视的社会问题。在当今虚拟的网络社会背景下,亲子冲突有别于传统社会中亲子两代的冲突而呈现出多元性、交叉性、过激性等特点。本文将以这些特点为依托从社会学的视角探求网络时代亲子冲突产生的具体原因及其给青少年社会化带来的影响。     

社会经济地位、社会流动与民族间的阶层认同差异

作为民族分层的关键指标,主观阶层认同对于研究族际冲突意识和冲突行为具有重要意义。本研究利用全国性调查数据,对民族间的阶层认同差异及其影响因素进行分析。研究发现,虽然当前少数民族社会经济地位要略低于汉族,但其阶层认同与汉族相比并不存在显著差异。究其原因,这可能与少数民族实现向上社会流动的比例高于汉族有关,即虽然相对较低的社会经济地位对于少数民族的阶层认同有拉低作用,但这种效用却被少数民族相对较高的向上社会流动机会所消融。本研究的启示在于,在民族关系问题日益重要的今天,我们在注重发展民族地区经济的同时,还要努力提高各民族成员向上社会流动的机会,促进各民族之间的社会交往和文化交融。     

社会安全阀机制与贫富差距调适

当前,我国贫富差距较大已是一客观不争的社会事实。社会安全阀机制则起着调适贫富差距的作用,从而缓解了贫富差距所可能导致的利益和社会冲突,维持和促进了社会的稳定与发展。研究立足于贫富差距较大的客观现实,着重对现有社会安全阀机制进行分析,并指出在健全和完善相应社会安全阀机制的基础上消除较大的贫富差距。     

论可持续发展要求下的人类文明

本文视可持续发展为人类社会发展的最高历史阶段，在剖析人口与资源、环境相依关系和矛盾冲突的基础上，提出了三种人类文明观和相应的实践策略，以便促进“三种生产”协调发展和保障人类社会的可持续发展     

我国已婚人群平衡工作与家庭冲突的困境——基于受教育水平的影响效应分析

工作-家庭冲突是个体在工作领域与家庭领域之间扮演角色时，在某方面存在互不相容的矛盾所导致的冲突。我国已婚人群数量庞大，工作-家庭冲突已成为已婚人群生活中最突出的问题。本文利用“中国社会状况综合调查”2019年的基线调查数据实证分析已婚人群受教育水平对工作-家庭冲突的影响机制，结果表明：总体上，受教育水平的提升会显著降低工作-家庭冲突的发生概率；在不同特征已婚人群中受教育水平的影响效应具有异质性，一是受教育水平缓解已婚人群工作家庭矛盾的效应和途径具有性别差异，二是与青年已婚人群相比，中年已婚人群所接受的教育的沉淀效应更为显著，三是受教育水平缓解农村已婚人群工作-家庭冲突的效果明显高于城市已婚人群；在传导机制上，受教育水平主要通过提高工作获得、减少工作损失降低工作-家庭冲突的发生概率，而家庭融洽则在受教育水平与家庭-工作冲突之间发挥着中介作用。为改善我国已婚人群工作-家庭冲突状况，应大力提升义务教育质量，扩大高等教育规模，缩小地域和城乡教育差距；同时要为劳动者提供管理规范、服务高效的就业市场，营造良好的工作环境，构建和谐稳定的劳动关系；应完善家庭支持政策，缓解家庭压力，建立普惠多元的托育服...     

跨境婚姻行为选择的主体性特征及制度困境——以云南边境地区为例

跨境婚姻社会事实作为跨境边民“习以为常”的日常生活事件，是客观社会环境结构作用的产物，更是边民基于跨疆界传统小社会的主体性选择的结果。在“事实”与“制度”的冲突中，非正式制度影响下的行为选择与正式制度的社会控制职能之间的矛盾使得跨境婚姻面临制度困境。     

文明冲突中的中国文明与人口--亨廷顿的文明冲突论及人口要素

"9.11"恐怖事件发生以后,美国著名学者塞缪尔·亨廷顿"文明冲突"的观点再次引起了国际社会和各国学者的广泛关注.亨廷顿关于文明、文化冲突的分析范式是值得我们认真关注的一个视角.在此视角下,本文讨论了文明冲突的本质以及中国文明的特质和作用;讨论了人口要素与文明兴衰之间的关系;本文最后指出,中国需要重新审视中国人口发展的长远战略.     

迁移与发展

一人类社会的发展史,既是人类迁移开拓史也是阶级斗争史。中国历史上人口的大迁移大多与战乱相关联,而战乱又多由民族冲突、霸主争雄和帝国入侵所引发。在多民族的冲突过程中有时中原民族拓展疆土,攻伐边地民族,有时边疆民族入侵中原劫掠财货。例如黄帝战蚩尤、商纣伐东     

文化因素对性别偏好的决定作用

中国传统文化中强烈的男孩偏好是导致高出生性别比的根本原因,且急剧的社会经济变革和有效的计划生育政策所导致的低生育率也起到了加剧的作用。国家生育调控导致夫妇在生育孩子数量和性别选择上的冲突,本质上是制度与文化的冲突。传统生育文化的力量是顽强和巨大的,并带有一定程度的继承性和历史滞留性,只有以一种新型生育文化去替代重男轻女、传宗接代的传统生育文化,才能逐渐弱化人们的性别偏好。     

失业者社会援助与再就业的选择--以湖北省武汉市为例

失业、下岗者是城市居民低保制度救助的主体。文章通过对武汉市失业者的调查研究发现,低保等社会援助对失业者再就业的影响既有正面激励、也有负面效应;失业者社会援助与再就业的主观意愿和实际选择也有相当距离。体现了受助者基于经济人的理性决策与作为社会人的社会责任认同之间的冲突,也成为今后“终止贫困”还是“终止依赖”社会援助政策选择和调整所必须考虑的因素。     

Resolution of evolutionary conflict: a general theory and its applications

While many cases in which conflict over the evolution of social behavior exists even between closely related individuals (e.g., parent-offspring conflict) have been pointed out, little attention has been paid on the problem of where such conflict should lead. A general theory of conflict resolution, however, has recently been developed. The key idea of the theory is the incorporation of conflict costs in the inclusive fitness evaluation. The theory shows that if both sides engaged in the conflict can potentially control the other at a cost, the coevolutionary game of escalating the fight with increased conflict costs always leads either side to give in to the other, resolving the conflict. Here we examine the logical basis of the theory in terms of a simplest example, donor-recipient conflict over the evolution of altruism, and to show its different types of application we review two more specific examples: reproductive-worker conflict over true (sterile) worker evolution in termites and insider-outsider conflict over group size determination. The latter exemplifies the resolution of conflict over the value of a variable (group size in this case) rather than a behavior, suggesting extended applicability of the basic theory.     

Conceptualising and Measuring Social Cohesion in Africa: Towards a Perceptions-Based Index

Social cohesion is a key concept in development studies. Weak social cohesion is often related to slow economic growth and (violent) conflict. So far few attempts have been made to measure this complex concept in a systematic manner. This paper introduces an innovative method to measure national-level social cohesion based on survey data from 19 African countries. We distinguish three dimensions of social cohesion; i.e. the extent of perceived inequalities, the level of societal trust, and the strength of people’s adherence to their national identity. Importantly, our Social Cohesion Index (SCI) is based on individuals’ perceptions vis-à-vis these three different dimensions of social cohesion rather than certain macro-level ‘objective’ indicators such as GDP/capita or Gini-coefficients. We develop two social cohesion indices: a national average SCI and a Social Cohesion Index Variance-Adjusted (SCIVA); the latter one takes into account the level of variation across different ethnic groups within countries. The SCI and SCIVA are computed for and compared across nineteen African countries for the period 2005–2012 on the basis of Afrobarometer survey rounds 3, 4 and 5. We also investigate quantitatively the relationship between countries’ levels of social cohesion and the occurrence of a range of conflict events. As expected, we find that countries with low levels of social cohesion in a particular year according to our SCI are more likely to experience a range of different violent conflict events in the subsequent year.     

Social Well-Being in Northern Ireland: A Longitudinal Study 1958–1998

This paper examines the question of how social well-being, or quality of life, in Northern Ireland has changed through time from 1958 to 1998. After reviewing major economic trends and governmental policy affecting the region, we develop an overall measure of quality of life based on previous research into social well-being in Northern Ireland. We find that the ‘Troubles’ clearly impact the quality of life in Northern Ireland but not necessarily as broadly as one might suspect. The majority of the sixteen underlying indicators used for creating a measure of social well-being remain largely unaffected by the conflict and closely track increases in overall United Kingdom Gross Domestic Product. The remaining five measures of social well-being are significantly impacted by the conflict. The resulting measures of social well-being and some suggested uses for future research are then presented.     

Work-Life Conflict and Social Inequality in Western Europe

Recent debates on time-use suggest that there is an inverse relationship between time poverty and income poverty (Aguiar and Hurst in Q J Econ C(3):969–1006, 2007), with Hammermesh and Lee (Rev Econ Stat 89(2):374–383, 2007) suggesting much time poverty is ‘yuppie kvetch’ or ‘complaining’. Gershuny (Soc Res Int Q Soc Sci 72(2):287–314, 2005) argues that busyness is the ‘badge of honour’: being busy is now a positive, privileged position and it is high status people who work long hours and feel busy. Is this also true of work-life conflict? This paper explores the relationship between work-life tension and social inequality, as measured by social class, drawing on evidence from the European Social Survey. To what extent is work-life conflict a problem of the (comparatively) rich and privileged professional/managerial classes, and is this true across European countries? The countries selected offer a range of institutional and policy configurations to maximise variation. Using regression modelling of an index of subjective work-life conflict, we find that in all the countries under study, work-life conflict is higher among professionals than non-professionals. Part of this is explained by the fact that professionals work longer hours and experience more work pressure than other social classes, though the effect remains even after accounting for these factors. While levels of work-life conflict vary across the countries studied, country variation in class differences is modest. We consider other explanations of why professionals report higher work-life conflict and the implications of our findings for debates on social inequality.     

Social Policies and Families in Stress: Gender and Educational Differences in Work–Family Conflict from a European Perspective

In modern welfare states, family policies may resolve the tension between employment and care-focused demands. However these policies sometimes have adverse consequences for distinct social groups. This study examined gender and educational differences in working parents’ perceived work–family conflict and used a comparative approach to test whether family policies, in particular support for child care and leave from paid work, are capable of reducing work–family conflict as well as the gender and educational gaps in work–family conflict. We use data from the European Social Survey 2010 for 20 countries and 5296 respondents (parents), extended with information on national policies for maternity and parental leave and child care support from the OECD Family Database. Employing multilevel analysis, we find that mothers and the higher educated report most work–family conflict. Policies supporting child care reduce the level of experienced work–family conflict; family leave policy appears to have no alleviating impact on working parents’ work–family conflict. Our findings indicate that family policies appear to be unable to reduce the gender gap in conflict perception and even widen the educational gap in work–family conflict.     

Work-family conflict in comparative perspective: The role of social policies

This study focuses on the role of social policies in mitigating work-family incompatibilities in 27 countries. We ask whether work-family conflict is reduced in countries that provide family-friendly policies and flexible employment arrangements, and whether women and men are similarly affected by such policies. The study, based on the ISSP 2002, demonstrates considerable variation among countries in the perceived work-family conflict. In all but two countries, women report higher levels of conflict than men. At the individual level, working hours, the presence of children and work characteristics affect the perception of conflict. At the macro level, childcare availability and to a certain extent maternity leave reduce women's and men's sense of conflict. Additionally, the availability of childcare facilities alleviates the adverse effect of children on work-family balance for mothers while flexible job arrangements intensify this effect.     

Inviting the Breach: Confronting Homophobia in the Name of Social Justice

In 2008 California was divided over Proposition 8, a measure designed to prohibit same-sex marriage. In this article, we focus on a university classroom setting to explore how discussions about Proposition 8 and homophobia led to what Turner (1986) termed a social drama. Drawing on student personal narratives as they moved through the stages of social drama, we provide a poignant example of the conflict that may erupt when homophobia and heteronormativity are part of the curriculum. After documenting the social drama, we offer pedagogical strategies and note the strategic ways Christian, hegemonic discourse is utilized during discussions about homophobia.     

Exploring the Basis for Gender Differences in the Demand-Withdraw Pattern

During marital conflict, wives tend to demand and husbands tend to withdraw. These behaviors were historically thought to stem from essential differences between men and women. An alternative explanation implicates one form of power differences—wives desire more change and, therefore, demand; husbands desire less change and withdraw to maintain status quo. Studying same-sex as well as cross-sex couples enables an evaluation of both explanations. We examined demand-withdraw behaviors in 63 heterosexual, gay, and lesbian couples. The demand-withdraw pattern was seen regardless of type of couple. Further, for all couples, differences in the amount of change desired in partners during a conflict interaction predicted differences in demand and withdraw behaviors. These results offer further evidence that an often-observed difference in heterosexual relationships may result from social conventions that afford men greater power and women less power.