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1.
Diverging labor cost developments are often considered to be one of the most important factors that led to large current account imbalances in the euro area (EA) in the run-up to the global financial crisis. It has also been shown that wage growth differentials have significantly lowered the co-movement of EA countries’ business cycles – the most widely used meta-criterion for optimum currency areas. Against this background, this paper develops a wage-setting benchmark that aims to keep the economy in internal equilibrium and to maintain price stability, while it also exhibits the capacity to correct for external imbalances. The proposed wage benchmark is very simple and may serve as an anchor for the macroeconomic dialogue in Economic and Monetary Union. In order to demonstrate the potentially beneficial effects of such a wage benchmark we present some simulations showing how current account balances and labor costs would have developed across EA countries if the rule had served as a benchmark already in the run up to the crisis.  相似文献   

2.
Effective services for children must be grounded in the sound conceptualization and measurement of need. The concept of need is often misunderstood because it is used in different ways. Defining need as both a requisite and a goal is desirable. The conceptualization ought to rest on an acceptance that not only are objective and universal needs to attain physical health and autonomy requirements for all human beings, but subjective needs may also sit alongside of universal needs. The ecological/developmental perspective is best suited as a framework for assessing the needs of children. One of its tenets, the importance of understanding the interaction of risk and protective factors, is highly relevant to assessing needs. An assessment of the interaction of risk and protective factors operating in a child's life reveals the requisites and goals necessary for child development. The proposed approaches to the conceptualization and measurement of need when combined will be conducive to better assessment and intervention by social workers with children.  相似文献   

3.
The aging of the population combined with restricted economic resources is leading to an increasing gap between care needs and care resources. The first strategy to cope with this growing disparity is often the rather non-controversial attempt to optimize the use of the resources. At some point in time, however, more crucial decisions are needed. Four levels of decision-making in the system of care services may be identified - from decisions regarding national resource allocation to decisions regarding individual users. The different conditions for making decisions and setting priorities at each level must be considered when studying the decision-making process and the consequences - including the repercussions for other levels and sectors. With Sweden as a case, four trends in decision-making can be seen: decentralization of many controversial decisions; redefining of the lines of responsibility between sectors; increasing inequality in the accessibility, cost, and quality of care; and a general lack of public discussion and debate about central welfare issues.  相似文献   

4.
ABSTRACT

As part of a policy assemblage, the National Assessment Program – Literacy and Numeracy (NAPLAN) is representative of a new mode of governance for Australia's schooling systems, indicative of international trends in educational accountability based on testing. The policy assumption was that the introduction of a national performance measurement system would tightly couple school practices to national agendas targeted at improving learning outcomes. This paper presents a comparative case study of two primary schools within a single Queensland region to interrogate how coupling and decoupling strategies are enacted in respect of the policy usage of NAPLAN data. The granular analysis of the governance relationship between the school principals and their supervisors is set against the politics, policies and pressures of NAPLAN that recast the initiative as high stakes for systems, schools and their leadership. Specifically, we argue that Queensland's choice and enactment of policy instruments have produced a new mode of governance of principal conduct, but one mediated by the specific contexts of the two schools. The analysis shows how this mode has precipitated two types of decoupling.  相似文献   

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基于新政府范式的技术创新政策   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
基于新政府范式的公共政策强调创新及其扩散 ,创新政策是促进产业技术进步的一种重要手段 ,创新政策的制定必须考虑竞争和垄断等方面的内容。不同国家的不同环境 ,或者国家创新系统的不同 ,将影响到企业的技术创新活动。技术创新政策的制定不仅受国际环境的影响 ,也深受一国经济和社会目标的制约。政府的作用是为技术创新提供良好的外部环境和制度 :制定产业技术发展战略 ,加大科技投入力度 ,支持中小企业创新 ,强化知识产权保护 ,建立创新服务体系  相似文献   

8.
ABSTRACT

Hajer and Wagenaar (2003. Deliberative Policy Analysis: Understanding Governance in the Network Society. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, xiv, 16) advanced a conception of policy analysis – “Deliberative Policy Analysis” – that “rests on three pillars: interpretation, practice and deliberation.” This form of policy analysis, they argued, supports “more direct, participatory forms of democracy” involving “democratic deliberation on concrete issues” (xv, 29). Since their writing, empirical research on such initiatives – “democratic innovations,” for short – has blossomed. However, while deliberative policy analysis is itself post-positivist in orientation, many researchers bring a (quasi-) positivist orientation to their work on democratic innovations. A key challenge for deliberative policy analysts is, then, how to participate in this field of inquiry while maintaining a post-positivist orientation. Pragmatist philosophy, I submit, can help them to meet this challenge. Pragmatism rejects a number of positivist assumptions about the nature of empirical inquiry. Relatedly, it supports the claim that policy analysis should be interpretive, practice-oriented, and deliberative. Indeed, it suggests that policy analysis cannot avoid being so. By way of illustration, I indicate how pragmatism points to an approach to case study research that rests on the three pillars.  相似文献   

9.
Cambodia aims to expand social health protection to move toward Universal Health Coverage. We developed a modeling tool to facilitate the simple, interactive estimation of cost and coverage for three policy alternatives, enabling decision-makers to simultaneously adjust for scenario options currently under consideration. Assuming the adoption of all scenario options, the projected cost of expanding social health protection to all is US$42 million, to vulnerable individuals is US$32.1 million, and to uncovered 1st–3rd wealth quintile people is US$30.4 million. These policy alternatives are projected to increase population coverage to 100%, 89.1%, and 92.5% by 2025, respectively. The results have multiple policy implications. First, given the similar costs and coverage estimates for the targeted approaches, and other considerations, expansion to the 1st–3rd wealth quintiles is recommended. Second, the model quantifies the potential impacts for policy changes relating to each scenario option. The inclusion of dependents under the contributory schemes significantly shifts costs; reversing the policy of non-payment for priority public health services increases public health facility revenue; and, alignment of reimbursement rates leverages demand-side financing which can increase value for money. Finally, the cost estimates provide a basis for economic planning. Revenue raising options include increasing the contribution ceiling for the private employees’ scheme and the progressive adoption of strategic purchasing.  相似文献   

10.
In 1928 the Democratic National Committee chose Houston for its presidential nominating convention. For the first time since before the Civil War the party would meet in the South. Since Governor Al Smith of New York seemed likely to be nominated, a site in the New South would enhance party unity. This article looks at the convention from the Houston perspective. The case study demonstrates the power and goals of the city elite. Jesse Jones, the publisher of the Chronicle, obtained the convention almost singlehandedly. Moreover, he did so without consulting the mayor, the Texas politicians, or other business leaders. The surprised Houston elite was delighted. The convention would boost their city to national prominence and bring growth, wealth, and prestige. Houstonians proceeded to raze slums, build a hall seating 25,000, and plant 2000 rose bushes. In late June thousands of delegates and news reporters arrived to cheer Democracy, as the party was then called, and to choose candidates for the presidency and the vice presidency.  相似文献   

11.
From the outset, French family policy has vacillated between several objectives: defending the institution of the family, encouraging childbirth and reducing social inequalities. In the current context of social policy, certain family allowances take on the appearance of veritable social incomes policy measures. Children, in the same way as loss of employment or disablement, give rise to entitlement to social solidarity. This paper will examine the case of the single-parent allowance, introduced in France in 1976, and will place it in the context of "minimum social incomes", taken to mean those that afford a modicum of self-respect, rather than being mere subsistence incomes.  相似文献   

12.
Ana Antić 《Social history》2019,44(1):86-115
This article explores the surprisingly successful development of psychoanalysis in socialist Yugoslavia, and the discipline’s relationship with both Western paradigms and Yugoslavia’s own theory of workers’ self-management. It focuses primarily on child psychotherapy and psychoanalysis, and their attempts at reforming traditional Balkan ‘authoritarian’ families and helping raise democratic Marxist citizens. It argues that Yugoslav psychiatrists and psychoanalysts developed their own version of revolutionary and activist psychoanalysis, which was meant to contribute to a broad political and cultural discussion in Yugoslavia about constructing a society based on genuine Marxist collective and individual emancipation, an alternative to both Stalinist state socialism and Western capitalism/liberal democracy. Many ‘psy’ professionals used overtly political language to frame their aims and experiences, and turned their consulting rooms into revolutionary sites. West European practices and theories of child psychoanalysis figured prominently in Yugoslav clinical discussions and practice, but they were regularly linked to the broader goals of Marxist revolutionary politics, workers’ self-management or socialist struggle against patriarchy or ‘bureaucratized’ political relations. Therefore, the Yugoslav experiment, in which a new activist psychoanalysis became mainstream and state-funded psychotherapy, remains central to understanding psychoanalysis as a tool for socio-political critique and activism in the second half of the twentieth century.  相似文献   

13.
A steady decline in major party support in Commonwealth nations has resulted in changing parliamentary compositions, including the growing prevalence of minority government. Such situations pose new questions for notions of government legitimacy within Westminster systems. For instance, is negotiation with cross-benchers an example of government illegitimacy? What is the legitimate role of non-ministerial members when the composition of parliament gives them the final say on the enabling legislation for public policy? What is the legitimate response of the public sector regarding policy-making in the context of minority government? In this paper, we reflect on how a ‘marginal member’ concept can provide new insights into such issues and their implications.  相似文献   

14.
The trafficking of women has attracted considerable international and national policy attention, particularly since the UN Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, Especially Women and Children (2000), of which the Australian Government has been a signatory since 2005. The provision of health and community services for trafficked women is a central feature of this Protocol, but in Australia service provision is made difficult by how trafficked women are understood and treated in policy and legal terms. This study aimed to explore the provision of health and community services for trafficked women in the Greater Sydney region through a series of interviews with government and non‐government organisations. The findings reveal that services have been inaccessible as a result of sparse, uncoordinated, and poorly funded provision. The major obstacle to adequate and appropriate service provision has been a national policy approach focusing on ‘border protection’ and criminalisation rather than on trafficked women and their human rights. We conclude that further policy development needs to focus on the practical implications of how such rights can be translated into the delivery of health and community services that trafficked women can access and be supported by more effectively.  相似文献   

15.
Ya Li 《Policy Studies》2019,40(5):437-455
ABSTRACT

Deliberative policy analysis (DPA) has become a new branch of post-positivist policy inquiry since the release of a book edited by Hajer and Wagenaar fifteen years ago. The status quo of this field, however, is not satisfactory. Particularly, there is apparent shortage of exploration on how to apply DPA to generate insights for policy making. This article undertakes a critical revisit of DPA’s development and to explore the road ahead, especially through the lens of practice. It starts with a brief review of DPA study, mainly focusing on its characteristics, suitable context, and functions. The next section discusses three challenges facing the emerging field: how to render the DPA approach more operable, the absence of “analysis,” and the lack of purposeful and designed pilot practice. It proceeds to argue that the research on DPA will likely take a methodological turn, and offers several considerations for future study: understanding and framing DPA from a practice-oriented perspective, underscoring the importance of DPA’s consulting function, taking a procedural perspective and incorporating consensus building into the process, providing organizational solutions for practicing DPA, and conducting purposeful pilot practices with prior DPA design.  相似文献   

16.
This paper describes a two‐year study conducted in 24 English councils to evaluate the implementation of the Framework for the Assessment of Children in Need and their Families. The Framework promotes a holistic, multi‐agency approach towards the assessment of children in need. The study was carried out in two phases. Phase one explored how councils implemented the Framework and accompanying assessment records. Phase two used a variety of methods to assess the impact of the Framework on practice, including an audit of completed assessment records, postal questionnaires to practitioners and managers in social services and partner agencies, and a qualitative study of 52 cases which included interviews with parents, children over 10 and social workers. A time record was used to gather information on the time social workers spent on the various elements of the core assessment process. The study suggests that councils had to overcome a number of organizational and other barriers in order to implement the Framework. However, the Framework and supporting materials appear to have provided the foundations to improve the quality of social work recording and promote interagency working, and have strengthened the involvement of children and families in the assessment process.  相似文献   

17.
The key components of social policy toward the elderly and disabled, and policies for families and their children, have featured what are by now widely employed income and service components. Now, as demographic and social change have motivated increasing numbers of countries to face the need for societal policies for children under the age of 3, exploration reveals the centrality of an additional policy dimension — time. A six-country study and earlier research targeted on this group finds that several major policy patterns are emerging, with individual country choices reflecting history, culture, religious traditions, political configurations, and resources. Referring to illustrative countries, the paper explicates these options: (a) supporting an at-home parent in "family work"; (b) backing a pattern of involvement of parents in both family and work; (c) offering parents of very young children the option of concentrating on family or work; (d) stressing programmes in support of the socialization and education of young children and their parents. It is suggested that social security institutions internationally contribute to these new developments through data collection, dissemination activities, and encouragement of discussion and research.  相似文献   

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T. Ferrarini, O. Sjöberg. Social policy and health: transition countries in a comparative perspective Int J Soc Welfare 2010: ??: ??–??© 2010 The Author(s), Journal compilation © 2010 Blackwell Publishing Ltd and International Journal of Social Welfare. This article analyses the development and design of unemployment insurance and family policy benefits and their links to health outcomes in Estonia, Poland, the Slovak Republic, Slovenia, the Czech Republic and Hungary from the mid‐1990s. Comparing these six transition countries with long‐standing welfare democracies reveals important similarities and differences in policy and health. Unemployment benefit schemes resemble corporatist schemes in important respects, however, with lower coverage and average benefits. Subjective wellbeing is also comparatively low among both employed and unemployed in the transition countries. Several transition countries have mixed family policy strategies that simultaneously support dual‐earner families and traditional gender roles. One clear exception is Slovenia, which has a highly developed dual‐earner support. Family policy generosity is related to lower rates of poverty, infant mortality and child injuries. The article demonstrates the fruitfulness of institutional analyses of the link between social policy and population health in a broader welfare state context.  相似文献   

20.
In this article we take a retrospective look at social policy in post-colonial sub-Saharan Africa and account for two distinct phases. The first phase, from 1960 to 1980, is the nationalist phase; the second, framed by the neoliberal policy regime, marked the last two decades of the 20th century. We argue that social policy in the nationalist phase played a transformative role – intrinsic and instrumental. Investment in education and healthcare, rather than social protection, was the key policy instrument. The weaknesses of the period included a growing authoritarianism and failure to transform the inherited colonial political economies. The retrenchment of the public realm under the neoliberal regime led to massive entitlement failure, and the crisis of citizenship and statehood. We argue for a return to a broader vision of social policy, underpinned by the ethos of democratic and socially inclusive development.  相似文献   

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