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1.
Martin van Hees 《Social Choice and Welfare》2007,28(4):649-666
The so-called doctrinal paradox reveals that a jury that decides by majority on the truth of a set of propositions, may come
to a conclusion that is at odds with a legal doctrine to which they all subscribe. The doctrinal paradox, and its subsequent
generalization by List and Pettit (Econ Philos 18:89–110, 2002), reveal the logical difficulties of epistemic democracy. This
paper presents several generalizations of the paradox that are formulated with the use of many-valued logic. The results show
that allowing the individual or the collective judgements to be formulated in terms of degrees of beliefs does not ensure
the possibility of collective epistemic decision making. 相似文献
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Hans Gersbach 《Social Choice and Welfare》2011,37(2):201-217
In this article, we extend the analysis of Gersbach (2009) and explore the limits of democratic constitutions to achieve first-best outcomes. We establish the most general possibility result and we illustrate the efficiency gains of flexible majority rules by examples. We show that no first-best constitution exists if there is uncertainty regarding the size of losses and benefits from public projects. 相似文献
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Jackie Smith 《全球网;跨国事务杂志》2004,4(4):413-421
Abstract Protests against economic globalization helped give birth to the World Social Forum (WSF) as a space for civil society groups to coordinate actions and articulate shared visions for global change. Since 2001 the WSF has brought together hundreds of thousands of activists from all parts of the world. But creating an inclusive political space that is also effective at generating unified action has proved challenging. In this article I explore the central tensions in the 2004 WSF and explore the possibilities for the Forum to overcome these obstacles and expand global democracy. 相似文献
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Valesca Lima 《Social movement studies》2013,12(6):667-681
ABSTRACT This paper examines the decentralisation of decision-making processes in local government. Empirically, I analyse how Brazilian housing movements are included in participatory processes by examining the ways in which participatory models integrate social movements in spaces of decision-making. I argue that the rules and focus on incremental policy-making limits the participation of social movements. Findings suggests that unequal power structures at local councils, barriers to the participation of citizens, and the lack of transparency of government decisions all prevent social movements from having a more influential voice in decision-making. Although previous studies in Brazil examined the integration of citizens in government institutions, this paper contributes to the literature in two ways: firstly, it provides new evidence on the impact of decentralisation in local government. Secondly, by examining the attitudes of housing council members towards popular political participation, it provides new insights into the limits of decentralisation and participatory governance in contemporary Brazil. 相似文献
7.
Marvin S. Finkelstein 《The American Sociologist》1994,25(3):20-36
The discipline of sociology remains vulnerable in an environment of economic uncertainty and global change. Constraints on
higher education are likely to increase and recurrent pressures on traditional liberal arts programs will continue unabated.
An older, more diverse, cost-conscious and career-minded student population will increasingly insist on clearer pathways to
difficult and bewildering labor markets. But sociology’s weakness as a liberal art may be overcome by combining it with a
more applied and practical orientation. The very forces that threaten the discipline’s institutional existence make it profoundly
relevant and valuable in an age of social transformation. Based on a familiar Millsian conception of the sociological imagination,
this article attempts to combine sociology’s liberal tradition with its role as a “useful art,” honed into the specific features
of workplace change and the employment setting. It does so by suggesting five categories of emerging skills in the global
economy and ways that sociology has a far reaching claim to their practice and development. The categories are: 1) the skills
of knowledge workers; 2) skills in the learning organization; 3) skills in the technological context; 4) skills in the diverse
and divided workplace; 5) change-making skills. The article concludes by urging those in the discipline to make sociology
more of a useful art that has practical application in a changing world.
An earlier version of this article was presented at the Sociological Practice Association 15th Annual Meeting, Denver, Colorado,
June 11, 1993. 相似文献
8.
Howard Dickman 《Journal of Labor Research》1984,5(4):325-350
Exclusive representation in the public sector has been defended on the basis of private sector experience, which purportedly
demonstrates that stable, orderly, peaceful collective bargaining is otherwise impossible or impracticable. Nevertheless,
nonexclusive collective bargaining was the norm in most industrial nations when the Wagner Act was passed in the 1930s, and
it still is the rule outside the U.S. Historical evidence is presented for the thesis that exclusivity was adopted in the
private sector primarily in order to pave the way for a corporative state. Peaceful, orderly collective bargaining by “responsible”
unions in a competitive economy was a minor, secondary consideration.
Editor’s Note: This Symposium was jointly sponsored by theJournal of Labor Research and the National Institute for Labor Relations Research and was held February 10, 1984 at the Westpark Hotel, Rosslyn, Virginia. 相似文献
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This paper examines how national and local newspapers in the United States frame Chinese product recalls in 2007. First, it reviews literature on international communication and framing. Second, it content analyzes the presentations of the Chinese product recalls in two leading national newspapers, including the New York Times and the USA today, and six major newspapers from five Southern states, including Georgia, South Carolina, Louisiana, Mississippi, and Alabama. Third, it compares media representations of Chinese products in the two national newspapers with those in Southern newspapers. We argue that American media are still dominated by stories from the U.S. perspectives and Chinese sources are less likely to be cited. Even though Southern newspapers play an important role in constructing local knowledge, their limited scope of coverage and perspectives constrain their role in reporting international news. 相似文献
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Andrew J. Perrin Robin E. Wagner-Pacifici Lindsay Hirschfeld Susan Wilker 《Theory and Society》2006,35(3):351-391
Prior generations’ electoral crises (e.g., gerrymandering) have dealt mainly with political maneuverings around geographical shifts. We analyze four recent (1998–2003) American electoral crises: the Clinton impeachment controversy, the 2000 Florida presidential election, the Texas legislators’ flight to Oklahoma and New Mexico, and the California gubernatorial recall. We show that in each case temporal manipulation was at least as important as geographical. We highlight emergent electoral practices surrounding the manipulation of time, which we dub “temporal gerrymandering.” We suggest a theory of postmodern electoral crises, in which the rules of time and space are simultaneously in flux. These crises expose concerns with early American democratic theory, which was based on an understanding of “the people” as geographically and temporally unidimensional. Representative systems, therefore, were designed largely without reference to geographic and temporal complexity. 相似文献
11.
Elena Caneva 《Journal of youth studies》2017,20(1):79-93
The paper explores processes of identity construction in young people of foreign origin living in Italy. The aim was to understand how youth construct their selves in the global era, characterized by an increase in the possibility of choosing but also in the perception of uncertainty; how they perceive this uncertainty, whether as a chance to construct multifaceted and continually changing identities or as a source of insecurity and loss for their identity. Drawing on 46 in-depth interviews, the research reveals that young people of foreign origin are continually shaping their identities mixing different cultural repertories related to their – or their parents’ – homeland, to the host country, global cultures and youth cultures. Several patterns of identity emerge and they are linked to different perception of uncertainty. A typology of these patterns was developed: young people construct flexible identities or hyphenated identities, or move from a fixed identity to an undefined identity. These types of identity are respectively associated with the perception of uncertainty as a resource, as a constraint, finally with a strategy of reducing or eliminating uncertainty. 相似文献
12.
Gabriel Menard 《Information, Communication & Society》2016,19(8):1061-1076
Intellectual property (IP) rights policy has long been driven by rights-holder interests, leading to IP regimes focused on protecting private property at the expense of broadening public access to cultural works. The rise of instant, low-cost digital sharing practices, however, forces the sociolegal construction of IP as ‘property’ into crisis by contradicting the conception of creative works as commodities that can be exclusively ‘owned’ and exchanged. This cuts into a classic social science debate over how best to balance individual rights against collective interests, which has played out in liberal society through tensions between contradictory principles seeking to uphold the sanctity of private property (the principle of ‘Individual Freedom’) while also correcting social inequality (the ‘Equal Means’ principle). While IP policy has historically developed largely in accordance with Individual Freedom, digital sharing of creative works is premised instead on Equal Means. As these forces collide, the question at stake is whether crisis in the status quo conception of property rights disrupts existing power relations, with implications for the logic of policy development in the digital age. To address this question, I test for continuity of the predominant trend in IP policy-making using recent legislative changes to the Canadian copyright regime. I find that, contrary to expectations, policy changes do not manifestly favor rights-holders. Rather, legislative outcomes are split between modest protections for rights-holders and clear gains for rights of open access. I take this as evidence of the increasing complexification of IP policy in response to mass digitization. 相似文献
13.
The global corporate elite after the financial crisis: evidence from the transnational network of interlocking directorates 下载免费PDF全文
What impact did the recent financial crisis have on the corporate elite's international network? Has corporate governance taken on an essentially national structure or have transnational networks remained robust? We investigate this issue by comparing the networks of interlocking directorates among the 176 largest corporations in the world economy in 1976, 1996, 2006 and 2013. We find that corporate elites have not retrenched into their national business communities: the transnational network increased in relative importance and remained largely intact during the crisis lasting from 2006 to 2013. However, this network does not depend – as it used to do – on a small number of big linkers but on a growing number of single linkers. The network has become less hierarchical. As a group, the corporate elite has become more transnational in character. We see this as indicative of a recomposition of the corporate elite from a national to a transnational orientation. 相似文献
14.
《Public Relations Review》2022,48(2):102172
We investigate the state of global social-mediated crisis communication (SMCC) research through a content analysis of 189 discrete academic articles published in key journals included in the Social Sciences Citation Index via the Web of Science from 2006 to 2020. We identify the patterns in the theoretical and methodological approaches and the types of crisis, social media platforms, and contextual factors examined in SMCC research. Our findings demonstrate the common trends and differences between regions or societies. Scholars from North America dominated this field and primarily used quantitative methods, such as content analysis and experiments. A Western-oriented situational crisis communication theory was the most frequently applied theoretical framework. Twitter and Facebook were the most frequently used social media tools, and natural crises were studied most frequently. Nearly half of the SMCC studies collected research data about crises within America, and none focused on African countries. Contextual factors, such as political, cultural, and media characteristics, were found to affect online crisis communication practices. Our study can thus inform future discussions by revealing current theoretical gaps. 相似文献
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《Public Relations Review》2021,47(5):102119
This study theoretically and empirically identifies a new typology of Chinese publics’ normative expectations of crisis outcomes. It classifies the concept into three culturally relevant dimensions—public expectations of (a) organizational accommodative responses (i.e., how an in-crisis organization should respond), (b) punishment of the organization (i.e., how publics collectively should respond), and (c) government intervention (i.e., how government should respond) for desirable crisis outcomes. Using an online survey of the Beijing public, this study investigates the degree to which information seeking and online expression mediate relationships between crisis blame and the three types of expectations. The study finds that as the level of crisis blame increases, active information seekers expect more regarding organizational accommodation and government intervention, whereas active expressers expect stronger punishments of the organization and less government intervention in China. 相似文献
17.
The purpose of this paper is to review and re-examine the concept and practice of public diplomacy in light of the incredible pace of change in global politics and communication, and to discuss implications for future research. It first explains the significance of national reputation and its linkage to public diplomacy. It then surveys and assesses a broad range of literature on public diplomacy, characterized by three basic discourses: public diplomacy as policy-driven rather than relationship-based, the primacy of nation-state governments in the structure and process of public diplomacy, and an emphasis on mass media communication. The paper finally suggests and outlines further research efforts based on the existing literature and the evolving contexts. 相似文献
18.
Roger C.K. Chan 《Habitat International》1996,20(4):509-523
The economic structure of south China, including Hong Kong, has undergone rapid changes in the last 20 years. The transformation is more rapid in the wake of the opening up of China's economic system. This paper argues from the vantage point of the New International Division of Labour (NIDL) and investigates the impact of economic development and urban development strategies on the region. It reviews the process of economic development and the flows of resources, capital and labour forces in China as a whole, with special reference to Hong Kong and the Pearl River Delta region. Increasing economic integration has led to interaction in the planning domain, such as in infrastructural development. Selected development strategies have also been employed and these will be discussed in detail. The paper concludes that future development between Hong Kong and south China will be a symbiotic one and that the implementation of a sustainable urban development strategy is vital to the continued growth of the region. 相似文献
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Joppke C 《The British journal of sociology》2004,55(2):237-257
This article discusses a recent retreat of multiculturalism in the liberal state. This retreat has occurred both at the level of theory and policy. With the help of some recent liberal critiques of multiculturalism, the first part maps out some shortcomings of the notion of minority integration through cultural recognition, particularly with respect to immigrants. The second part discusses a retreat from multiculturalism policies in three states that had been prominently committed to them: Australia, the Netherlands, and Britain. This practical retreat of multiculturalism is due to a variety of factors, their importance differing across cases: the chronic lack of public support for multiculturalism policies; inherent deficits and failures of multiculturalism policies, especially in socio-economic respect; and a new assertiveness of the liberal state to impose liberal principles. 相似文献