日本的南太平洋外交战略演变与太平洋岛国峰会——从环境外交到海洋外交

由于二战后日本与南太平洋岛国外交发生演变,有必要探讨日本从环境外交向海洋外交转变过程中对该地区的外交定位。二战结束后,日本势力一度彻底退出了南太平洋地区。随着战后日本经济迅速发展和南太平洋岛国纷纷独立整合组建"太平洋岛国论坛",日本从20世纪80年代起,重新开始加强对该地区的外交攻势。此后,通过举办八届"日本—太平洋岛国首脑峰会",日本对南太平洋地区的外交逻辑实现了从环境外交到海洋外交的转变,在历史惯性和现实主义外交的双重作用下,日本力求在南太平洋地区构建符合自身利益与偏好的外交模式。目前,日本已将其对南太平洋岛国的外交,提升到与中东地区、非洲的"西翼"并重的高度,成为其海洋战略的"东翼"。中国今后在南太平洋地区的外交将不得不直面日本的海洋战略,并与之展开博弈。     

多维视角下中国对南太平洋岛国气候援助

对南太平洋岛国的气侯援助在中国气候政策中具有多维定位,包括缓和双方在全球气候谈判中的分歧,向国际社会展现中国对《巴黎协定》的严格履约,落实21世纪海上丝绸之路南线规划,以及将中国国内发展外溢为国际公共产品,体现中国的大国责任。南太平洋岛国在应对气候变化时的需求也存在提升生存能力、产业能力和国家治理能力三个维度。中国对南太平洋岛国的气候援助应该具有"精准援助"的思维,即将援助内容与对方需求精准对接,以自身发展带动南太平洋岛国发展,实现中国整体气候政策与南太平洋岛国应对气候变化的双赢。     

中国开展南太平洋岛国公共外交的动因及现状评析

公共外交是全球化时代塑造国家形象、增强国家软实力的重要途径。基于中国建设海洋强国战略的实施、经济可持续发展以及与台湾当局"外交"博弈的需要,中国亟须获得南太平洋岛国民众对中国的理解、信任和支持,增强中国在南太平洋地区的影响力。近年来,中国通过文化外交、华侨华人外交、援助外交等公共外交项目的开展,在南太平洋岛国的影响力有所增强。本文认为,由于大国竞争性公共外交的影响,中国在南太平洋岛国的影响力和感召力仍显不足,应秉承"和平、合作、和谐"的外交理念,继续拓展外交空间。     

南太平洋区域海洋机制的缘起、发展及意义

区域海洋机制的形成和发展,是南太平洋区域一体化进程的重要组成部分和重大成就之一。这一机制形成的最初动力,来自南太平洋地区独立、自治岛国政府和人民共同的政治关切和环境关切,并经历了四个发展阶段:20世纪70年代中至80年代初,机制的地理空间"基本构块"、国际法框架和组织结构框架形制初具;20世纪80年代,随着南太平洋论坛渔业局和南太平洋区域环境规划署的建立,以及渔业资源和环境领域系列公约的通过和签署,区域海洋机制的组织框架和公约框架基本形成;20世纪90年代,区域海洋机制在实践中不断向纵深发展,同时针对暴露出来的一些问题,采取了积极应对之策;新世纪以来,区域海洋机制在制定区域海洋政策、确立"四支柱"区域组织框架、推出区域海     

论海上丝绸之路背景下中国与太平洋岛国深海采矿合作

南太平洋地区是"21世纪海上丝绸之路"的重要延伸路线。加强与太平洋岛国深海采矿合作应该成为"21世纪海上丝绸之路"建设高质量发展的战略选项。论文首先分析了加强中国与太平洋岛国深海采矿合作的原因;其次,探讨了中国与太平洋岛国深海采矿合作可能存在的科学、技术、经济、环境和地缘政治等方面的挑战;最后,提出加强高层交往、构建合作伙伴、深化科研合作、参与环境治理、遵循商业原则和善用国际法律等有效合作方法和策略,为推动中国与太平洋岛国深海采矿合作提供决策依据。     

当代东南亚华人社团的发展和变迁

东南亚华人社团曾是东南亚华人社会 的三大支柱之一,并在东南亚华人社会的变 迁中扮演着重要的角色。华人社团在东南亚各国有较长的发展历史,二战以后随着东南亚各国采取了限制华人的政策,华人社团活动受到很大约束,曾一度走向低落。20世纪70年代中后期,随着国际格局的变化和东南亚国家与中国关系的改善,东南亚各国政府对华人政策由排斥、迫害逐渐转变为引导、利用,在此情况下,华人社团开始从低迷走向复兴,并体现出新的时代特征。     

南太平洋岛国特殊海洋保护区建设探析

建立特殊海洋保护区是南太平洋岛国保护海洋生态环境的重要手段。南太平洋岛国的特殊海洋保护区建设主体多元且呈现出较高的积极性,建设的内部动因包括渔业、旅游业的发展需求和国内非政府力量的推动,西方国家资本推进和西方企业技术拉动是其外部动因。通过分析斐济、所罗门群岛、帕劳及库克群岛等岛国特殊海洋保护区建设模式与措施得知,南太平洋岛国的特殊海洋保护区建设已经取得显著成效,但也存在不足之处。注重传统管理方法与现代管理技术的融合,并进一步寻求区域合作是南太平洋岛国特殊海洋保护区建设的未来走向。作为世界上保护海洋生态环境最为成功的区域之一,南太平洋岛国特殊海洋保护区建设不仅推动了全球海洋保护区网络加快成型,也为中国的海洋保护区建设提供有效的借鉴。     

澳大利亚对南太平洋岛国援助政策的调整及影响分析

解构近期澳大利亚对南太平洋岛国援助政策的调整不仅有助于中国准确应对亚太地区的大国博弈,而且有助于厘清全球发展治理的建构基础和议题导向。从2018年底开始,澳大利亚对南太平洋岛国的援助政策迅速转向并表现出与中国援助模式趋同的特征:资金方式上从无偿援助为主转为开始采用贷款模式,援助领域上从重点锁定治理能力相关领域转为支持基础设施建设,执行方式上从以财政援助和方案援助为主转为向单一的项目援助倾斜。这一调整的直接原因在于亚太地区传统的大国博弈加剧,重要原因在于中国的援助模式更加符合南太平洋岛国的发展诉求,根本原因在于传统援助国试图应对新兴援助国对既有援助格局的冲击。该调整在国际发展援助领域乃至全球治理领域必将产生的影响在于:一方面,"竞争性援助"客观上促成了受援国主导的发展援助模式;另一方面,"一带一路"倡议正在变革发达国家主导的全球发展治理架构,但是全球治理摆脱大国博弈、实现去政治化仍道阻且长。     

浅析“亚太再平衡”战略下美国与南太岛国关系的新发展

历史上,美国与南太平洋岛国(以下简称"南太岛国")有着长期而复杂的关系。自新世纪奥巴马政府实施"亚太再平衡"战略以来,美国重新提升了南太地区在其全球地缘政治安全战略中的地位,将其确立为"亚太再平衡"战略的第二道战线。美国增进了与该地区岛国的政治、安全关系,同时在经济援助、文化交流、气候变化、环境保护等方面,也加大了与南太岛国的合作。本文阐述了"亚太再平衡"战略背景下美国对南太岛国的重新定位,并探析了美国与南太岛国关系的新发展,进而提出中国的应对策略。     

1965年以来美国外来移民的人口与家庭特征分析

在美国自20世纪60年代以来兴起的移民浪潮中,来自拉美和亚洲等非传统移民输出地的移民迅速增多,移民群体的种族构成随之发生变化。新移民群体以青壮年为主,年龄结构呈现出"中间大、两头小"的菱形特征,并且女性人口不断增多。与美国人相比,移民群体的婚姻状况较为稳定,同时家庭规模较大,相应有较多的子女。加强对新移民群体的关注,有助于深化对当代美国社会问题的认识与研究。     

Assimilation and participation in social assistance among immigrants

This article analyses assimilation and social assistance participation among immigrants in Sweden. Probit regressions are used in order to estimate the participation rates in social assistance among different groups of immigrants and native-born Swedes. The analysis is based upon panel data since the same individuals have been tracked in different years. The results show that among immigrants from the Nordic countries and from Western societies the participation rates are about the same as among comparable native-born Swedes. Immigrants from South European and non-European countries are over-represented in welfare usage. This over-representation remains even after controlling for differences in observable characteristics such as age, gender, family situation and educational attainment. Non-European immigrants assimilate out of welfare dependency at a faster rate than European immigrants, but despite this, non-European immigrants are over-represented in social assistance utilisation even after 20–25 years of residence in Sweden.     

South Pacific Migration and Australia

Historically Australia has had, and continues to have, important links with the South Pacific. As emigration has become a growing necessity for South Pacific Islands, Australia has become involved as a receiving country of both legal and illegal immigrants from the region. A recent study of the social consequences of emigration in Fiji, Tonga and Western Samoa raises several important issues for Australia, and another study of South Pacific Islanders in Melbourne raises equally important questions. This paper summarises briefly the nature of those issues and suggests that this is an area of welfare requiring considerable attention.     

中国与太平洋岛国旅游合作研究

中国与太平洋岛国旅游合作具有不容忽视的地位和政治延伸意义。本文通过综合分析太平洋岛国的资源和旅游业发展现状,结合中国与太平洋岛国旅游合作的现实需求,提出了七项旅游合作的对策措施。本文认为,应尽早完善旅游合作的政策保障,充分发挥南太平洋旅游组织的协调作用,推进旅游合作中心城市建设,加强建设岛国的基础设施和接待服务设施,推出区域精品旅游线路,加大岛国旅游营销力度,鼓励中国企业投资太平洋岛国旅游业。     

Migrant associations: the Spanish transatlantic experience, 1870–1970

This article offers some historiographical, theoretical and methodological reflections on Spanish migrant associationism in several countries (mainly, Latin America) during the period of mass migration that began in the 1870s and continued until the 1970s, which might also be extrapolated to other European cases. The discussion starts with a review of the literature on migrant associations in Iberian migration studies. Some of the limitations inherent in migrant associations as objects of study are then considered and problem areas that remain relatively unexplored are highlighted alongside a comparison with those approaches that are used in the analysis of other European immigrant groups in the USA and Latin America. Finally the article discusses the interaction of migrant elites, ordinary immigrants’ necessities and the influence of the host societies. The conclusions insist on the fact that associationism can offer an informative kaleidoscope through which to examine immigrant collectives, not just organized communities. Appropriate use of the sources produced by associations can shed light on settlement patterns, socio-professional composition, the social origin of elites, rootedness or image in the host country and the comparative history of migration.     

中国发展南太平洋地区关系的外交战略

南太平洋地处中国外交大周边,构建良好的南太平洋周边环境是中国外交战略的重要组成部分。考虑到南太平洋地区独特的外交环境以及中国与南太平洋国家关系的现状,中国应坚持将南太平洋地区作为"经济伙伴"、"政治依托"和"安全保障"的战略定位,抓住双方的共同需求和合作愿望,通过多种途径推进双方关系的发展。尽管中国与南太平洋国家关系的发展受到一些内外因素的影响,但随着经济和社会的进一步发展,双方在各自对外战略中的地位将会继续得到提升,从而为双方关系持续、稳定、深入发展创造更为广阔的空间。     

19世纪60-80年代俄国境内朝鲜移民法律地位形成的中朝因素探析

19世纪60-80年代,随着俄国积极吸引劳动力开发远东政策的推行,朝鲜移民数量逐年增加,其法律地位亟待确立.在19世纪下半叶东北亚各国利益角逐与权力制衡的背景下,俄国朝鲜移民的法律地位问题不仅关乎俄国自身大计,更牵涉了中朝利益.通过对解密的俄罗斯帝国对外政策档案及相关原始资料的分析,我们认为,中朝两国对俄国积极安置朝鲜移民政策进行了全力抵制,不仅影响了俄国境内朝鲜移民法律地位的形成,还阻止了俄国东北亚战略计划的实施.在中朝两国的反对下,俄国仅部分地确立了其境内朝鲜移民的合法地位,这大大限制了俄国远东地区的朝鲜劳动力数量,破坏了俄国利用朝鲜移民开发远东,并以此为契机渗入朝鲜、角逐东北亚的战略计划.     

When the Export of Social Problems Is No Longer Possible: Immigration Policies and Unemployment in Switzerland

Throughout the twentieth century, Switzerland has been one of the OECD countries with the highest proportion of immigrants in its population. The aim of this article is to show how institutional factors have shaped the opportunities for change in immigration and immigrant‐employment‐related policies there in the 1990s. Whereas unemployment had remained low in the 1970s and 1980s, there was a marked increase at the beginning of the 1990s. Existing migration policies were considered a central cause of this increase, since the great majority of foreigners who had come and settled in Switzerland in the periods of economic expansion were low‐skilled, and were now over‐represented among the unemployed. The reforms undertaken in the field of immigration and integration policy to respond to these new problems have been determined by specific institutional factors: direct democracy, a defensive migration regime, the development of immigrant rights and the weak autonomy of the central state. These factors account to a large extent for the limited scope and specific pathways of policy reforms in these two domains.     

Immigrant households and hardships after welfare reform: a case study of the Miami-Dade Haitian community

Compared with other nations such as Canada and Australia, the US experiment with welfare reform has yielded steeper and more immediate caseload declines. These declines have been especially pronounced for immigrants who have been subject to a new set of service restrictions implemented under the 1996 Welfare Reform Act. This article examines service access for Haitian immigrants in Miami, Florida since the onset of these reforms. The data presented here are derived from a series of qualitative interviews with Haitian service professionals and a quantitative survey of Haitian immigrant households. The survey data indicate that many Haitians who are living in poverty and qualified to access services are not enrolled for government services. Confusion over eligibility guidelines explains some of the variation of these low enrolments for specific services (such as child health insurance and childcare) but not for services most commonly used by immigrant adults such as food stamps and Medicaid. The survey also demonstrates that qualified immigrants living in households with unqualified persons are less likely to access services than are other qualified immigrants and are more likely to experience hardships that impede their ability to find stable employment. The concluding discussion highlights the significance of using a household unit of measure in assessing immigrant enrolments and hardships.     

Community Work with Immigrants

Summary The paper emerges from community work with an immigrant organizationin a government-sponsored Community Development Project overa two-year period. It discusses the various approaches to workingwith immigrants, including that of the local Community RelationsCouncil, reports an action research survey of immigrant need,and in particular assesses the ‘non-directive’ communitydevelopment approach to working with an immigrant organization.The implications of this study are discussed in relation tothe general potential of community work with immigrants