From Science to Social Technology: Eugenics and Politics in Twentieth-Century Switzerland

During the first half of the twentieth century, eugenics becamea mainstream approach to the solution of social problems acrossEurope and North America. Perceived to be part of these socialproblems, sexuality and gender non-conformity constituted athreat to the social order. In this context, eugenics becamean approach and a tool to rationalize the management of sexuality.The article examines how practices and discourses of sexuality,gender, and ideas about normalcy intersected with particularfears and anxieties about nation and degeneracy, thereby givingrise to the use of eugenics as a social technology. The connectionsbetween eugenics and politics are explored through the Swissexperience with eugenically based social policies and policydebates.     

AMERICAN MEDICINE AND DIVIDED MOTHERHOOD:

On the basis of interview data, this article examines the mothering practices of three women, one Jew and two African-Americans, who raised their children in the 1930s and 1940s, a period in which medicine became the dominant discourse of motherhood. Each mother referred to medicalized motherhood with a discourse of scientific universals (e.g. "it was scientific"). Yet their approach to medicalized motherhood reflects their racial, ethnic and social class positions. Medicalization gained meaning for women not as an abstract body of scientific knowledge but as a signifier of social position, enabling mothers to measure their own practices in relation to others. If women were injured by medical discourse, as a long line of scholars suggest they have been, it is not because medicine rendered them the objects of a standardized construction of "the good mother.' Rather, it is because medicalization invited mothers to participate in creating and measuring separation among women themselves.     

The Third-Person Effect in Communication

A person exposed to a persuasive communication in the mass mediasees this as having a greater effect on others than on himselfor herself. Each individual reasons: "I will not be influenced,but they (the third persons) may well be persuaded." In somecases, a communication leads to action not because of its impacton those to whom it is ostensibly directed, but because others(third persons) think that it will have an impact on its audience.Four small experiments that tend to support this hypothesisare presented, and its complementary relationship to a numberof concepts in the social sciences is noted. The third-personeffect may help to explain various aspects of social behavior,including the fear of heretical propaganda by religious leadersand the fear of dissent by political rulers. It appears to berelated to the phenomenon of censorship in general: the censornever admits to being influenced; it is others with "more impressionableminds" who will be affected.     

Restructuring the Past: Toward an Appreciation of the Social Context of Social Science*

The recent surge of interest in the history of the social sciences reflects the unsettled conditions which obtain within these disciplines. Historical analysis may prove an aid to the resolution of these conditions, but only if it does not fall into the genre generally called "whig history"—mythologized history which functions to legitimate contemporary practices by assimilating all previous developments to a stylized narrative of continuous, inevitable "progress." Because "whig history" is intrinsic to the "scientific ethos," its rejection entails a reconsideration of the nature of the scientific enterprise in general, and of social science in particular.     

Spectacles of intimacy? Mapping the moral landscape of teenage social media

This paper explores young people's expressed concerns about privacy in the context of a highly mediated cultural environment, mapping social media practices against axes of visibility and participation. Drawing on interdisciplinary conceptual resources from both the humanities and social sciences, we use ‘spectacles of intimacy’ to conceptualise breaches of privacy, mapping an emergent moral landscape for young people that moves beyond concerns with e-safety to engage with the production and circulation of audiences and value. The paper draws on data from a methodological innovation project using multi-media and mixed methods to capture lived temporalities for children and young people. We present a model that captures a moral landscape shaped by emotional concerns about social media, the affordances of those media and affective discourses emerging from young people's use of the media.     

Discursively Constructing a Family Identity After an Autism Diagnosis: Trials,Tribulations, and Triumphs

The present study addressed the question: How are families communicating to construct a family identity in the face of a child’s autism diagnosis? Interviews with 19 parents of children, teens, and adults with mild, moderate, and severe autism highlighted the discursive construction of family identity. Findings reveal that families construct an internal family identity that is marked by unified usage of the name “autism,” emotive and mundane daily discussions, narratives that serve functional purposes, and normal/structured rituals. Externally, families communicate about autism to outsiders to help others understand, to educate others about autism, to show their loyalty and protection for their family, and to highlight their family’s normalcy. These findings illustrate that the discourse-dependent practices are useful not just for constructing membership in families that differ structurally from societal expectations, but also for constructing identity in that face of unique family functioning resulting from a chronic health concern.     

Middle classes,democratization, and class formation

Conclusions This analysis of the South Korean case demonstrates the importance of the historical context for understanding the political role of the middle classes. In late industrialization, as occurred in South Korea and other East Asian countries, the new middle class has emerged as a significant social class, before the capitalist class established its ideological hegemony and before industrial workers developed into an organized class. Neither of these two major classes was able to offer an ideological or organizational leadership to the middle classes. In this context, the middle class can act as more than merely a dependent variable. In South Korea, the minjung movement led by an intellectual segment of the middle class played a critical role in the formation of the working class, by providing an opposition ideology, new politicized languages, organizational networks, and other resources.The Korean experience also highlights the significant role of the state in class formation. The predominant role of the state in economic and social development puts it at the center of major social conflicts. Social tensions and conflicts that emerge in rapid industrialization are directly and indirectly related to the character of the state and the economic policies it implements. A high level of politicization among Korean middle-class members, not only among intellectuals but also among a large number of white-collar workers, is the product of the authoritarian regimes of Park and Chun and their repressive control of civil society. Both the nature of Korean middle-class politics and its relationship with the working-class formation have been shaped by the nature of state politics.The role of the middle class in the South Korean democratization process has been complex and variable, in part because of its internal heterogeneity and in part because of shifting political conjunctures in the transition to democracy. It would not make much sense, therefore, to characterize the Korean middle class as progressive or conservative, because different segments of it were inserted into the shifting conjunctures of political transition differently. At the same time, it would be also unsatisfactory to characterize middle-class politics as simply inconsistent or incoherent, because there exists some definite pattern in their behaviors.This analysis suggests that political behaviors of different segments of the middle class can be explained in terms of their locations within the broad spectrum of middle-class positions between capital and labor and by the changing balance of power between the two major classes. This is to acknowledge the fact that capital-labor relations constitute the primary axis of conflict and that middle-class politics must be understood ultimately in terms of this principal mechanism of class struggle. This is, however, not to assume that middle-class politics is simply a terrain of struggle between the capitalist and the working classes, as many Marxist theorists do. To repeat, in certain historical contexts middle-class politics can have an independent effect on the formation of the two major classes and the outcomes of struggles between the two.     

Biodiversity conservation in the Brazilian social sciences: an analysis of epistemological paths and conditions of possibility

This article aims to present the analysis of a carefully chosen literature in social sciences on the subject of biodiversity conservation. The purpose was to recognize some of the methods and epistemological conceptions which underlie the arguments published in the main academic journals of Sociology, Anthropology and Political Sciences. The analysis is based on a confrontation of Foucault’s concept of “conditions of possibility” with the discursive practices present in the survey. This exercise enabled us to demonstrate that even though we specifically targeted the social sciences, it is possible to recognize the presence of different conditions possibility that are not necessarily compatible and can be critic of each other. These criticisms arise in a context in which the objectivist view was widely accessed in order to corroborate restrictive and punitive actions on biodiversity conservation. This mapping can thus contribute to problematize the dialogue between disciplines in a scenario where each science has a particular political weight.     

OFFICIAL FRAMES IN SOCIAL MOVEMENT THEORY: The FBI, HUAC, and the Communist Threat in Hollywood

Social movement researchers acknowledge that frames promoted by state managers compete in intense framing contests with collective action frames promoted by social movement entrepeneurs. But they have not analyzed the construction and promotion of these "official frames.'The FBI framing of the communist threat in Hollywood during the 1940s is examined and the limits of the countersubversive anticommunist master frame are explored. State agencies are established as signifying agents, and the construction and promotion of official frames is compared to similar processes for collective action frames.     

The imperfect empiricism of the social sciences

The social sciences suffer from a methodological false consciousness that calls into question their progressive nature as cumulative, knowledge-building enterprises. While the practioners of social science believe that they accumulate knowledge through a classical scientific dialectic of hypothesis and evidence (scientific empiricism), they in fact assume their hypotheses to be true images of the nature of the social world, and they resist evidence that gainsays these images (imperfect empiricism). The idea that the social sciences progress, in a linear or dialectical fashion, is itself derived from the perspective of scientific empiricism. In reality the progress of the social sciences is problematic, if the movement of these sciences is viewed in terms of their actual practice of imperfect empiricism. Seen from the latter perspective, the social sciences are—at any particular moment in time—an aggregate of conceptual communities that communicate only imperfectly with each other and that assert the correctness of their point of view while disdaining that of the others. Since the progressive advance of knowledge is uncertain in these circumstances, the question is raised as to why the natural sciences that—according to Kuhn—are also practioners of imperfect empiricism work, while the social sciences apparently do not.     

Automated decision-making: Toward a people-centred approach

Recently, automated decision-making (ADM) has been increasingly introduced in for example, the public sector potentially ensuring efficiency and more just decision-making. The increasing use of ADM has been reflected by a growing interest by scholarly research. While initially mainly researchers within law and computer sciences engaged with ADM, there has also been a growing engagement by social science and humanities-oriented researchers. This article traces the emergence and evolution of ADM research beyond computer sciences and engineering with a specific focus on social sciences and humanities by identifying central concerns and methods while outlining a stable baseline for future research. Based on a systematic mapping of publications, we outline the contours of ADM as an area of research engaging with an emerging empirical phenomenon. Drawing on findings from the mapping, we discuss ways ahead for ADM research as part of the subfield of digital sociology and suggest that sociological media and communication studies have a crucial role to play in developing future research avenues. Drawing on advances made in audience research, we suggest a radically contextualized and people-centered approach to ADM. Such an approach would help to develop ADM and ground it alongside people's divergent capabilities and contextual arrangements.     

THE POLITICAL UNCONSCIOUS OF THE HUMAN SCIENCES

The relationship between knowledge, society, and power has been considerably rethought recently. Few defend the idea that knowledges such as the human sciences are merely representational practices. Instead, knowledge is approached as a social power to be analyzed for its social productivity. Assuming a tight link between knowledge and power, this paper aims to sketch a non-Whiggish framework for narrating the development of human sciences. I underscore how the scientization of social knowledge has, on the one hand, produced subaltern interpretative communities and, on the other hand, how these communities–as the repressed unconscious of the human sciences—have continued to shape and trouble the epistemic and social claims to authority by the human sciences.     

CONSTRUCTING IDENTITIES AT THE MARGINS: Masculinities and Citizenship in the Israeli Army

This article examines the construction of multiple gendered and national identities in the Israeli army. In Israel, hegemonic masculinity is identified with the masculinity of the Jewish combat soldier and is perceived as the emblem of good citizenship. This identity. I argue, assumes a central role in shaping a hierarchal order of gendered and civic identities that reflects and reproduces social stratification and reconstructs differential modes of participation in, and belonging to, the Israeli state.
In-depth interviews with two marginalized groups in the Israeli army—women in "masculine" roles and male soldiers in blue-collar jobs—suggest two discernible practices of identity. While women in "masculine" roles structure their gender and national identities according to the masculinity of the combat soldier, the identity practices of male soldiers in blue-collar jobs challenge this hegemonic masculinity and its close link with citizenship in Israel. However, while both identity practices are empowering for the groups in question, neither undermines the hegemonic order, for the military's practice of "limited inclusion" prohibits the development of a collective consciousness that would challenge the differentiated structure of citizenship.     

Beauty Work: Individual and Institutional Rewards, the Reproduction of Gender, and Questions of Agency

Physical attractiveness is associated with a number of positive outcomes, including employment benefits such as hiring, wages, and promotion, and is correlated with social and personal rewards such as work satisfaction, positive perceptions of others, and higher self-esteem. As a result, individuals perform various forms of beauty work, thus reproducing and strengthening a social system that privileges youth and attractiveness. In this article, we explore the beauty work practices that people perform. We begin with an examination of the cultural context in which beauty work occurs, including the individual, social, and institutional rewards accompanying physical attractiveness, and then review the practices themselves. Because these rewards and practices contribute in part to the reproduction of social relations and norms, we then turn to the gender dimensions of beauty work, along with its unique racial embodiment. Throughout, we raise the issue of individual agency in beauty work. Finally, we conclude with suggestions for future research.     

Toward an effective treatment system for adolescents with substance use disorders: The role of the states

A 2002 national expert panel found that the treatment system for adolescents with substance use disorders was inadequate and underdeveloped. The panel recommended immediate improvement in five areas: youth-serving agency collaboration, treatment system financing, workforce development, the implementation of evidence-based practices, and family involvement in all aspects of treatment. In 2004, the Center for Substance Abuse Treatment (CSAT), part of the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration (SAMHSA), designed the State Adolescent Substance Abuse Treatment Coordination Grant program (SAC) and implemented it in 2005 to address the critical need in the field. This paper reviews the adolescent substance use disorders treatment system, discusses selected drivers for change and the design of the SAC grant program, and summarizes some of the program's results. Both quantitative and qualitative data analysis document that substantive systems development occurred within each of the sixteen grantees and that federal–state partnerships are useful in creating systemic change.     

“Ghosts of Sociologies Past:” Settlement Sociology in the Progressive Era at the Chicago School of Civics and Philanthropy

This embedded case study of the Chicago School of Civics and Philanthropy (CSCP) illustrates the development of disciplinary boundaries during a transitional period of professionalization in the social sciences, particularly for the fields of sociology and social work. Drawing on archival data (e.g., reports, scholarly and autobiographical writings, and correspondence) we first document sociological contributions of the community-based school, one of many progressive projects among social settlements and social gospelers of the day. Then using the lens of an intergenerational struggle reflective of the historical social movements of the period, we analyze the circumstances surrounding the 1920 merger of the CSCP with the University of Chicago. Succeeding their early social settlement mentors, Graham Taylor of the Chicago Commons and Jane Addams and Julia Lathrop of Hull House, a second generation of social reformer protégés became a formidable force in this disciplinary differentiation. This case can be read as a micro-level illustration of a much larger macro-level political contest as professional social scientists vied for control of the definition of social science and its applied mission. The "ghosts of sociologies past" still haunt the discipline today offering important lessons for sustaining a science that joins theory with action to solve social problems.     

Fieldwork in forbidden terrain: the state,privatization and human subjects regulations

In this paper we explore the intersection of the modern-state and fieldwork practices within the social sciences. Our contention is that during the past decade or so there has been an expansion in forbidden or restricted research terrain that threatens the present and future conduct of social research. We argue that this restriction has been engendered by two related developments: privatization and human subjects regulations. The social and political implications of these trends are considered. Her most recent books areMadwives: Schizophrenic Women in the 1950s (Rutgers University Press, 1987) andGender Issues in Field Research (Sage, 1988). He is the author ofCastles of Our Conscience: Social Control and the American State, 1800–1985 (Forthcoming, Polity Press, Cambridge, U.K.)     

自由与秩序:西方社会管理思想的演进

本文从史论结合的角度阐述西方社会管理思想发展的基本脉络。在现代西方,社会管理经历了一个从自发到自觉的过程。它主要涉及社会控制、文化价值的内化,以及国家、市场和社会的互动。其宗旨是在推动国家理性和向善的同时,也促进社会成员向现代文明人和现代公民转变。因此,在某种意义上讲社会管理被认为是一种按现代性标准对人进行"规训"的过程和"文明进程"。而自由与秩序的适当平衡则是西方社会管理所追求的最高境界。     

The integral paradigm: The truth of faith and the social sciences

This article proposes a paradigm for the social sciences derived from Pitirim A. Sorokin’s writings about Integralism. His conception of a three-component system of truth and knowledge which includes the senses, reason, and faith is the foundation of this integral perspective. The paradigm entails the incorporation of religious-ethical ideas within the established frame of reference of the social sciences. The consensus among several world religions that some version of the Golden Rule is the most fundamental ethical principle, and the idea of individual transformation involving the realization of this principle, are advanced as the foundation for integral social science. The virtues, the vices and the Ten Commandments are presented as more specific schemes which articulate the positive and negative precepts associated with the Golden Rule. The incorporation of these religious-ethical ideas in value premises, existing paradigms and theories, special fields, and empirical research is considered. Integralism is proposed as a solution to the current crisis of fragmentation and anomie in the social sciences.     

‘Are we not [Civilized] Men?’: The Formation and Devolution of Community in Northern Mexico

Abstract The paper engages several of the issues raised by Cohn and Dirks’ statement on The Nation State, Colonialism and the Technologies of Power’ (“Beyond the Fringe’1988). It presents an account of the relationship between a community of armed peasants and the state in northern Mexico. The argument is that despite cyclic periods of coincidence and antagonism between the politico-ideological projects of state and community, an historical analysis of the experience of the people and town of Namiquipa, Chihuahua, reveals certain continuities in the forging of an alternative political-cultural space, regardless of the character of the community's relationship to the state at any time. In Mexico - as everywhere - the function of the State is the maintenance of the existing order, i.e. the maintenance of social inequality. A task for the social scientist is to document and analyse the regional strategies of the State, through the study of both the federal government and the actors who receive delegated power from it…. [T]he State apparatus is also in charge of distributing differential benefits among the population. The logic of this distribution transcends rural aspects and regional boundaries and refers to the historical dynamics of the Mexican nation, which manifests itself in the configuration of the State at different periods of time and is conditioned by the existing correlation among international forces. But from such macro-political panorama one must descend to its implications for regional development (Guillermo de la Pefia 1981: 259–260). Neither the peasants nor the State is an autonomous entity. Both are associated with other complex dependencies, with other forces and pressures. Both are stratified within and divided by interests that often contradict each other. The contradiction between the peasants and the State is not the only one in the country, and thanks to a coalition of many interests, it is not even the most apparent. However, it is the essential one in the sense that the changes that would radically and basically affect the entire situation can only be generated within it (Arturo Warman 1980:7).