The dynamics of the population sex ratio in India, 1971–96

This paper reconstructs the trend in the population sex ratio in India between 1971 and 1996 from available information on changes in sex differentials in mortality in the country since the beginning of the century. It is estimated that, although the mortality of females relative to that of males in India has improved since 1968, the population sex ratio increased between 1971 and 1981, stayed constant between 1981 and 1991, and started to decrease only after 1991. This implies that the recorded decrease and increase in the periods 1971–81 and 1981–91 respectively were both spurious and were the results of undercounts of females in 1971 and 1991. Another implication of this finding is that, owing to the lagged effect of past mortality on current trends in the population sex ratio, this ratio is a bad proxy for use in the study of changes in differential mortality by sex.     

The Preliminary Demography of the 2001 Census of India

This note presents and comments on the provisional results of the 2001 census of India. For the first time since Independence in 1947 there is clear evidence that the country's intercensal rate of population growth has fallen significantly—from an average annual rate of 2.14 percent between 1981 and 1991 to a rate of 1.93 percent between 1991 and 2001. At the state level there has been little change in the rates of population growth in Uttar Pradesh and Rajasthan, but there are signs of—often quite considerable—reductions in growth rates for most of the remaining states. The provisional census results suggest that there has been a decline in India's population masculinity compared to 1991. But the note contends that this decline is probably largely spurious because females were less fully enumerated in 1991 than they were in 2001. Indeed the sex ratios of the states of Punjab, Haryana, Maharashtra, and Gujarat have become noticeably more masculine, which may partly reflect the influence of sex‐selective abortion.     

Population growth trends in India: 1991 census

The decennial census counted the total population of India at 843.931 million as of the sunrise of March 1, 1991. The total is 160.6 million higher than that of a decade earlier in 1981. The actual census count exceeded by 45 million the official projections for 1991 based on the 1971 census. However, the official projections for the same year based on the 1981 census fell short by 7.6 million only. Most of the observed differences are explained by the slower decline in the fertility levels. The population growth ratepeaked during 1971–81, perhaps in 1972–73 (based on the Sample Registration Scheme data). The average annualexponential growth rate declined marginally to 2.11 per cent (4.5%) after having remained at a plateau for the previous two decades of 1961–71 and 1971–81. At this point in time, the fertility and mortality trends indicate that India will reach the replacement level fertility [Net Reproductive Rate of Unity] by the years 2010–2015. It can be said with a greater degree of certainty that the official target of reaching the replacement level fertility by the year 2000a.d. will not be reached. Based on the 1991 census results, it can be said that India will reach the billion mark by the turn of the century. The World Bank projects a population of 1,350 million by the year 2025a.d., and a stationary population of 1,862 million by the year 2150a.d., assuming that the replacement level fertility [Net Reproductive Rate = 1] in India is reached about the year 2015a.d.     

India's population: second and growing

Attention in this discussion of the population of India is directed to the following: international comparisons, population pressures, trends in population growth (interstate variations), sex ratio and literacy, urban-rural distribution, migration (interstate migration, international migration), fertility and mortality levels, fertility trends (birth rate decline, interstate fertility differentials, rural-urban fertility decline, fertility differentials by education and religion, marriage and fertility), mortality trends (mortality differentials, health care services), population pressures on socioeconomic development (per capita income and poverty, unemployment and employment, increasing foodgrain production, school enrollment shortfalls), the family planning program, implementing population policy statements, what actions would be effective, and goals and prospects for the future. India's population, a total of 684 million persons as of March 1, 1981, is 2nd only to the population of China. The 1981 population was up by 136 million persons, or 24.75%, over the 548 million enumerated in the 1971 census. For 1978, India's birth and death rates were estimated at 33.3 and 14.2/1000 population, down from about 41.1 and 18.9 during the mid-1960s. India's current 5-year plan has set a goal of a birth rate of 30/1000 population by 1985 and "replacement-level" fertility--about 2.3 births per woman--by 1996. The acceleration in India's population growth has come mainly in the past 3 decades and is due primarily to a decline in mortality that has markedly outstripped the fertility decline. The Janata Party which assumed government leadership in March 1977 did not dismantle the family planning program, but emphasis was shifted to promote family planning "without any compulsion, coercion or pressures of any sort." The policy statement stressed that efforts were to be directed towards those currently underserved, mainly in rural areas. Hard targets were rejected. Over the 1978-1981 period the family planning program slowly recovered. By March 1981, 33.4 million sterilizations had been performed since 1956 when statistics were 1st compiled. Another 3 million couples were estimated to be using IUDs and conventional contraceptives.     

India well prepared for meeting future goals

In India many of the past goals for reduction in birth rates have not been achieved for various reasons, and although contraceptive usage has increased it has not been sufficient to overtake the reduction in death rates. From 1971-80 about 1/2 of the population of the country was subject to a decline in growth rate, and the number of eligible couples using effective contraception was 10.6% in 1971 and 22.7% in 1981 in spite of an increase in the number of such couples. The death rate declined from 27.4 in 1941-51 to 14.8 in 1971-81 with a corresponding increase in life expectancy from 32-52 years. However the growth rate has reached a plateau during 1971-81. Since its inception the Family Welfare Program in India is estimated to have averted 49 million births including 5 million in 1981-82. Future goals are: 1) reduction in birth rate from 35 in 1981 to 21, death rate from 14 to 9 and infant mortality rate from 125 to 60 by the year 2000 along with reductions in maternal mortality and morbidity, and 2) an increase in the percentage of couples protected from 23.6 in 1982 to 60 in 2000, and 3) population size of 950 million by the year 2000 and the commencement of population stabilization leading to a population of about 1200 million by the middle of the 21st century. Future strategies for the promotion of planned parenthood include information, education, and communication programs, incentives and disincentives, involvement of nongovernmental agenices, provision of services and supplies, linkages with other sectors, and monitoring and evaluation activities. Emphasis will be put on interpersonal communication channels to promote the program as a mass movement.     

Understanding the sex ratio in India: A simulation approach

The highly masculine sex ratio in India has increased substantially in the twentieth century, in contrast to most other countries in the world. Competing arguments alternatively posit under-enumeration, highly masculine sex ratios at birth, or excess female mortality throughout the life course as the factors underlying the level of the overall sex ratio; these arguments have not been resolved. Based on population projections that simulate population dynamics, our findings show that small differences in mortality at young ages, persisting over a long period, as well as a sex ratio at birth of 106 males per 100 females, result in a highly masculine population sex ratio.     

Child marriage in India]

Child marriages have been practiced in India for thousands of years. Even though its popularity has now decreased due to changes in law and society, it is still a major problem, causing a great deal of hardship. Even though laws prohibited child marriage as early as 1860, statistics show that, on the average, Indians marry very young (1972: females at age 17; males at age 22 years of age; 34 females and 13 males under age 15). The following are incentives to marry young and have large families: 1) religion teaches that only those with descendants go to heaven; 2) unmarried women are traditionally scorned; and 3) most importantly, economic reasons encourage people to have large families as soon as possible, e.g., male children are encouraged to marry to obtain the dowry as soon as possible and children are considered a source of income in India. Child marriage in India causes the following problems: 1) a high infant mortality rate, as much as 75% in rural areas; 2) an imbalance in the male to female ratio (1901: 970 females/1000 males; 1971: 930 females/1000 males) because women who marry young tend to lose their health earlier; 3) a population explosion: in 1971, the Indian population was found to be increasing at the rate of 225/1000.     

India's Falling Sex Ratios

The proportion of females in India's population, low compared to other countries, reached its lowest level this century in the 1991 census. India's low sex ratios—defined here as the number of females relative to the number of males—have been scrutinized for well over a century. The persistent decline in the twentieth century has been the subject of renewed investigation and critical comment over the past two decades. While many explanations for the decline have been offered, almost without exception these have not addressed the causes of the nearly continuous fall observed since 1901. Several possible long-term changes are investigated in this note. The author argues that India's declining sex ratio is primarily an artifact of the dynamics of India's population growth.     

Sex Ratio at Birth and Infant Mortality Rate in China: An Empirical Study

In this article, we used the data from the last three population censuses of China in 1982, 1990 and 2000, to study the dynamics of the sex ratio at birth and the infant mortality rate in China. In the late 1970s, China started its economic reform and implemented many family planning programs. Since then there has been great economic development and a dramatic decrease in fertility in most of its provinces. Along with these achievements, the sex ratio at birth of the Chinese population has increased to significantly more males to females, and in some provinces of China reached unprecedented levels. The ratio of infant mortality of the males to females for manyprovinces in China become extremely unbalanced with a much higher female infant mortality rate. In our study, we investigated the statistical relationship between the sex ratio at birth and the ratio of the infant mortality of males to female. Social and economic reasons for these unnatural trends are also discussed.     

Crime, gender, and society in India: insights from homicide data

This study presents an analysis of inter‐district variations in murder rates in India in 1981. Three significant patterns emerge. First, murder rates in India bear no significant relation with urbanization or poverty. Second, there is a negative association between literacy and criminal violence. Third, murder rates in India are highly correlated with the female‐male ratio in the population: districts with higher female‐male ratios have lower murder rates. Alternative hypotheses about the causal relationships underlying this connection between sex ratios and murder rates are scrutinized. One plausible explanation is that low female‐male ratios and high murder rates are joint symptoms of a patriarchal environment. This study also suggests that gender relations, in general, have a crucial bearing on criminal violence.     

Completeness of India's sample registration system: an assessment using the general growth balance method

In the preceding issue of this journal, a generalized version of the Brass growth balance method was proposed that made it applicable to populations that are not stable and are open to migration. In this companion paper, the results of applying this new procedure to data from India's Sample Registration system for the decades 1971-80 and 1981-90 are discussed. The results at the national level show that, during the decade 1981-90, 5 percent of the deaths among men, 12 percent of the deaths among women, and about 7 percent of births were being missed by the system. Further, it is estimated that the level of under-enumeration in the 1991 Census was more than that of the 1981 Census by 0.7 percent for males and 1.4 percent for females. The paper also presents results for major Indian states.     

Fertility,Education, and Development: Evidence from India

Fertility has declined significantly in many parts of India since the early 1980s. This article examines the determinants of fertility levels and fertility decline, using data on Indian districts for 1981 and 1991. The authors find that women's education and child mortality are the most important factors explaining fertility differences across the country and over time. Low levels of son preference also contribute to lower fertility. By contrast, general indicators of modernization and development such as urbanization, poverty reduction, and male literacy exhibit no significant association with fertility. En passant, the authors probe a subject of much confusion— the relation between fertility decline and gender bias.     

Estimating transition probabilities of age misstatement

This article outlines a method of estimating probabilities of gross transfers from one age to another due to misreporting of age. An essential ingredient in the computation is the information on the true age structure of the population, which may be estimated by using generalized stable population relationships. The method consists essentially of iteratively adjusting rows and columns of an initial guess matrix so that the application of the resultant transition matrix to the true age distribution produces the recorded age distribution. The initial guess matrix can be either empirically based or theoretically derived. The method is illustrated by using data on India, 1971-1981. The application reveals that in India, although the tendency to exaggerate age is strong at adult ages, the bias does not increase appreciably at older ages, as is commonly believed.     

An Increase in the Sex Ratio of Births to India‐born Mothers in England and Wales: Evidence for Sex‐Selective Abortion

Male preference in many Asian cultures results in discriminatory practices against females, including neglect and infanticide. This preference, together with the availability of prenatal sex determination and sex‐selective abortion, has led to an increase in sex ratios at birth in China, India, and South Korea. The resulting expected gender imbalances raise ethical, demographic, and social concerns. We analyzed birth statistics to see whether similar trends are apparent among births to foreign‐born mothers in England and Wales. Before 1990, sex ratios at birth were consistently nearly one point lower (104) for the three major Asian groups in Britain compared with mothers born in Western countries. This is inconsistent with previous suggestions that Asian populations have a higher “natural” sex ratio at birth. In the birth statistics since 1990, we find a four‐point increase in the sex ratio at birth for mothers born in India, attributable particularly to an increase at higher birth orders, mirroring findings reported for India. This suggests that sex‐selective abortion is occurring among mothers born in India and living in Britain. By contrast, no significant increase was observed for Pakistan‐born and Bangladesh‐born mothers, among whom male preference also exists. It seems that male preference in different cultures does not necessarily lead to sex‐selective abortion.     

Aboriginal population prospects

Data from the 1991 Census largely confirm earlier projections of the size and structure of the Aboriginal population, although the data for Torres Strait Islanders are markedly inconsistent with previous counts. The 1986 and 1991 Censuses mark the first intercensal period for decades for which Aboriginal population counts have been consistent. This provides an opportunity, taken in this paper, to examine closely the discrepancies between projections and the 1991 Census and to comment on ways in which determinants of Aboriginal population change are diverging from the parameters used for previous projections. We pay particular attention to mortality prospects, because of the occurrence in the 1991 Census of a higher than expected sex ratio and differences between projections and counts for certain age groups. We note the evidence for under-enumeration of the Aboriginal population in particular age groups in the 1991 Census as in previous censuses, and estimate the size of adjustments necessary to correct for some, but not all, of these deficiencies. The analysis shows that Aboriginal fertility increased in the second half of the 1980s.     

Proximate sources of population sex imbalance in india

There is a population sex imbalance in India. Despite a consensus that this imbalance is due to excess female mortality, the specific source of this excess mortality remains poorly understood. I use microdata on child survival in India to analyze the proximate sources of the sex imbalance. I address two questions: when in life does the sex imbalance arise, and what health or nutritional investments are specifically responsible for its appearance? I present a new methodology that uses microdata on child survival. This methodology explicitly takes into account both the possibility of naturally occurring sex differences in survival and possible differences between investments in their importance for survival. Consistent with existing literature, I find significant excess female mortality in childhood, particularly between the ages of 1 and 5, and argue that the sex imbalance that exists by age 5 is large enough to explain virtually the entire imbalance in the population. Within this age group, sex differences in vaccinations explain between 20% and 30% of excess female mortality, malnutrition explains an additional 20%, and differences in treatment for illness play a smaller role. Together, these investments account for approximately 50% of the sex imbalance in mortality in India.India has a serious population sex imbalance. There are around 108 men for every 100 women in the country as a whole. In a country with the same level of development and typical mortality patterns, one would expect to see about 100 men for every 100 women. Sen (1990, 1992) coined the phrase “missing women” to describe this population imbalance, and attributed it to sex discrimination. Consistent with this view, other authors (Kishor 1993; Visaria 1971) have argued, based on census data and other sources, that the sex imbalance is almost certainly due to excess female mortality.There is a very large literature on the underlying sources of parental sex preferences (see, e.g., Agnihotri 2000; Agnihotri, Palmer-Jones, and Parikh 2002; Murthi, Mamta, and Dreze 1995; Qian 2008; Rosenzweig and Schultz 1982) that focuses on the relative contributions of factors such as female labor-force participation and female education in determining overall sex ratios. A second literature, more closely related to this work, focuses on the proximate sources of female mortality¹: that is, conditional on preferences, what specific treatments (or lack thereof) are responsible for the differences in mortality (Basu 1989; Borooah 2004; Griffiths, Matthews, and Hinde 2002; Mishra, Roy, and Retherford 2004; Pande 2003).Despite this second literature, a coherent overall picture of the proximate sources of excess female mortality is still lacking. This article focuses on two primary questions: at what ages does most of the excess female mortality occur, and what is the relative contribution of various forms of neglect to this excess mortality? In contrast to most of the existing literature, I am concerned not only with whether various health and nutrition inputs play a role, but also with how large that role is.The methodology used here, formally outlined in the following section, differs from most of the previous literature in two ways. First, I use data from Africa on sex differences in mortality and child health investments as a comparison for India. Existing literature (e.g., Das Gupta 1987) has often focused solely on sex differences in mortality in India. However, because when boys and girls receive equal treatment by their parents or caregivers, boys are more likely to die, the lack of a comparison group likely understates the extent of excess female mortality. Second, when considering the proximate sources of excess female mortality in childhood, I consider not only the difference in treatment but also the importance of that treatment for mortality (i.e., the difference in mortality probability with and without treatment). Multiplying these two factors gives full information about the importance of each element for understanding the overall excess female mortality. The literature generally has considered only the difference across sexes in each treatment; it has not considered the importance of these treatments in mortality, which is crucial for evaluating the relative contribution of each input (Basu 1989; Borooah 2004; Griffiths et al. 2002; Mishra et al. 2004; Pande 2003).²I first use microdata to identify exactly the age source of the excess female mortality in childhood and to explore the importance of childhood sex bias in the overall imbalance. This question has, of course, been addressed by other researchers (Das Gupta and Bhat 1997; Dyson 1984; Klasen 1994; Padmanabha 1982; Preston and Bhat 1984); the work here uses a new methodology, but the results largely echo what has been found in the previous literature. In particular, the results suggest important variations within young children. All areas of India see relatively little excess female mortality between the ages of a few months and 2 years, yet substantial excess mortality between 2 and 5 years of age. I also present evidence on the contribution of the under-5 sex ratio bias to the overall bias. Using demographers’ life tables (Coale, Demeny, and Vaughn 1983), I calculate the expected sex ratio overall in India, assuming the empirically observed sex ratio at 5 years of age, and normal mortality thereafter. This exercise suggests that virtually all the sex ratio imbalance in the country can be explained by excess under-5 mortality.Following this analysis, I move on to the primary contribution of the article, exploring the proximate sources of this excess female mortality between the ages of 2 and 5. Consistent with previous literature, I focus on biases in nutrition, preventative medicine, and medical treatment. The evidence here suggests that, contrary to some of the previous literature, sex differences in vaccinations play a very large role in the sex imbalance, explaining about 20% to 30%. Malnutrition explains about 20%. Interestingly, differences in treatment for respiratory infections and diarrhea together explain only about 5% of the imbalance, and approximately 50% is left unexplained by these childhood investments.The results here have potentially important policy implications, suggesting that increases in vaccinations for girls could have a large effect on the overall sex imbalance in India.     

Transitions to supported environments in England and Wales among elderly widowed and divorced women: the changing balance between co-residence with family and institutional care

In this article we examine changes in the proportion of older widowed and divorced women in England and Wales moving from 'independent' to two kinds of 'supported' household--supported private households and institutions--during the decades 1971-81 and 1981-91. Our main aim was to see whether observed increases in institutionalisation over this period were the result of a decreased propensity to move to the households of relatives. We used the ONS Longitudinal Study, a record linkage study including individual level data from the 1971, 1981 and 1991 censuses of England and Wales. A multinomial logit model was used to investigate the correlates of transitions from independent to supported private households versus institutions among elderly widowed and divorced women. While the overall rate of transitions to join either supported private households or institutions was largely the same in the two decades, the balance between the two shifted markedly in favour of transitions to institutions. In terms of the limited range of covariates it was possible to consider, owner-occupiers were significantly more likely than tenants to move to supported private households than to institutions.     

Fertility decline in Bangladesh: an emerging family planning success story

Bangladesh has a population of 115 million people, and the economic growth rate of 3.7% during the 1980s was undermined by rapid population growth. The annual population growth rate was 3% in the 1960s and early 1970s, 2.5% between 1981-91 decreasing to 2.3% in 1991. The average of number of children is 4.6/woman compared with 7 in the 1960s. Infant mortality dropped from 150/1000 births in 1976 to 118/1000 in 1991. Life expectancy rose from 47 to 54 years. The 1991 Contraceptive Prevalence Survey showed that 39.9% of married women under 50 use contraceptives in 1991 vs. 18.6% in 1981. The use of modern methods increased from 10.9% in 1981 to 31.2% in 1991, while traditional methods rose from 7.7% to 8.7%. Sterilization was most prevalent in 1981. 29,000 female family planning (FP) workers were aggressively engaged in dispensing FP services in 1990. The Social Marketing Company sells pills, condoms, and oral rehydration salts through 130,000 retail outlets. The 1989 Contraceptive Prevalence Survey showed that 40% of pill and condom users obtained them from this network, and 95.4% of women knew about 4 methods of contraception. In 1990 there were 120 private organizations providing contraceptive services. Some of the components of the government FP program include field worker distribution door-to-door of injectable contraceptives (50% injectable usage rate in the Matlab project); recordkeeping activities; a satellite clinic network with access to contraceptive services; and decentralization through the Upazila (subdistrict) approach. The logistics system of FP has improved the warehousing, transportation, and management information system. Foreign aid (mainly USAID) financing of contraceptives helped avert 14.4 million births between 1974-90. The increase of contraceptive prevalence to 50% by 1997 would avert another 21.9 million births during 1991-96 (replacement fertility requires 70% prevalence.     

Ten Thousand Tonga: A Longitudinal Anthropological Study from Southern Zambia, 1956–1991

The Gwembe Study was launched in 1956 to monitor the responses of 57,000 Tonga-speakers from the Middle Zambezi Valley to involuntary relocation. Since then, periodic censuses and frequent field visits have generated a wide variety of information. This article examines the demography of four Gwembe Tonga villages from 1956 to 1991, a period characterized first by relocation, then prosperity, and finally by economic hardship. White nuptiality does not respond significantly to socio-economic trends, marital fertility falls sharply during relocation, rebounds with the onset of prosperity, and decreases slowly during the most recent decade of economic hardship. Mortality of the very young and old is also sensitive to such changes. There is striking excess male mortality in all periods, especially among male infants and in particular male twins. The sex ratio at ‘birth’ is 92. This abnormal sex ratio at birth may be the result of conscious sex preference favouring females.     

Vital rates in India 1961-71 estimated from 1971 census data

Abstract In the last decade the increase in the population of India, while, of course, very large, was smaller than predicted by official forecasts. With the use of recent census and sample registration data - in the absence of age-specific rates and adequate vital statistics - this paper provides estimates of fertility and mortality through the reverse-survival and forward-projection methods. Birth rates are estimated as 40·5-42, death rates as 18-20, and life expectancy at birth as 45-46 years. Mortality decline had been smaller than forecast but more than during any comparable period in the past, even though current mortality levels, particularly infant mortality, are still high. Males continue to have a longer life expectation than females, with a difference that has widened in the past decade. The decline of between seven and ten per cent in the crude birth rate is largely due to changes in marital fertility and to some extent to changes in age and marital composition. Because of greater decline in death rates than birth rates, the 1961-71 decade shows a higher rate of population growth than previous periods.