阿盟介入叙利亚危机的影响分析

本文主要运用查阅一手文献资料、案例研究等方法,从阿盟发布的各项决议和公告着手,分析阿盟介入叙利亚危机处理的三个不同阶段(旁观期、斡旋期和制裁期)及具体举措,从而对其介入叙利亚危机的影响进行评估,并通过"阿盟介入叙利亚危机"中所扮演的角色和发挥的作用,得出了卡塔尔、沙特等海湾国家逐步掌握了阿盟的话语权,主导着阿盟对叙利亚问题解决走向的结论。     

浅析叙利亚危机及其未来走向

2011年,突尼斯、埃及、利比亚和也门的强人政府相继倒台。在这场"中东波"的冲击下,叙利亚巴沙尔政府也岌岌可危。叙利亚危机持续了三年多仍然久拖未决主要是内外因素相互作用的结果。在国内,这次危机已由一场民众追求自由、民主的政治活动转变为一场教派和世俗力量的斗争;在外部,各国势力在叙利亚展开地缘政治博弈,使原本就很复杂的局势更加迷雾重重。中东"心脏"叙利亚的局势朝何方向发展,关系到整个中东地区的稳定和格局的未来。     

教派主义与叙利亚危机教派化机制浅析

关于教派因素在叙利亚危机中作用的现有研究多持工具论观点,忽视了教派身份认同被精英工具化的必要条件以及教派动员的微观机制。本文认为,教派因素确非叙利亚危机爆发的根本原因,但阿萨德家族统治时期叙利亚社会长期积累的教派间利益分流、社会区隔和敌对情绪,一定程度上构成了危机教派化的前提条件和大众动员的最初框架。2011年叙利亚危机爆发伊始,民间自发的地方性教派动员和暴力已然出现。叙国内外精英通过不同政策迅速直接或间接介入民间自发性的教派动员,制造或强化了历史积累和新近出现的教派敌意、利益冲突、能力、机会等因素,触发并加剧了“安全困境/暴力螺旋”和“群体内—群体间交互作用”两大机制,最终导致了危机的教派化。     

自媒体时代高校思想政治教育话语面临的挑战及其应对

随着自媒体时代的到来,传统思想政治教育的话语体系已经无法满足自媒体时代的要求并且陷入了时代的困境。为了解决这一困境,必须充分审视自媒体时代的特点及要求,从自媒体时代信息的主体性、自发性和多元性三个方面来探讨其对高校思想政治教育话语产生的威胁,并通过更新思想政治教育理念、改进思想政治教育方式、完善思想政治话语传播途径、重塑思想政治教育氛围来弱化其带来的负面影响,以期实现高校思想政治教育持续正向发展。     

俄罗斯应对叙利亚危机的政策分析

本论文分析俄罗斯中东战略思维的历史演变过程;探究当前俄罗斯对叙利亚危机政策的背景、思想根源及影响因素;解读俄罗斯政策基于的政治、经济、民族、宗教缘由;阐释叙利亚危机局势下俄美利益的交汇与分歧。     

俄罗斯介入叙利亚战争的能源地缘政治因素

在近十年来全球能源供需格局发生深刻调整、欧俄能源关系出现变化的背景下,中东能源地缘政治格局变迁和宗派地缘政治矛盾突出是导致叙利亚国内危机最终升级为地区冲突的深层次原因之一。俄罗斯对叙利亚巴沙尔政权加大支持力度,是基于能源经济的极端重要性及其一贯的地缘政治思维做出的战略选择,体现了俄在中东的战略布局中对叙能源地缘政治地位的高度重视。本文从欧俄能源关系和全球能源供需格局变化的背景出发,通过对俄罗斯、欧盟、中东三方能源地缘政治互动的分析,揭示俄介入叙利亚冲突的能源地缘政治逻辑。     

叙利亚库尔德人内战前后的政治发展

叙利亚内战爆发前,库尔德人曾是这个国家饱受欺压和排斥的少数民族。为争取民族权利,叙利亚库尔德人从内战前就开始组织政党开展民族运动。叙利亚内战爆发后,叙利亚库尔德人的政治组织建立了自己的武装。在以美国为首的西方国际反恐联盟的支持下,库尔德人武装通过打击极端组织"伊斯兰国"控制了叙北部库尔德人居住的大片土地,并极力寻求政治自治。在俄罗斯的积极支持下,库尔德政治力量提出了战后在叙利亚建立联邦制的构想。目前,叙利亚库尔德人已经在叙北部建立了库尔德联邦区,并期望内战结束后建立自己的自治区。但叙利亚库尔德人的政治发展进程正受到来自土耳其及国内其他阿拉伯反对派的阻挠和抵制等不利因素的影响。     

美国咄咄逼人，叙利亚面临危机

2005年10月31日,联合国安理会根据对黎巴嫩前总理哈里里遭遇暗杀事件的调查报告通过决议,呼吁各国配合,禁止联合国调查委员会和黎巴嫩政府列出的嫌疑人员进入本国或从本国过境,并要求叙利亚指认涉嫌谋杀哈里里的该国政府官员和有关人员。由于中俄两国反对,该决议删除了美、英、     

俄罗斯教育话语研究概况

俄罗斯学界对教育话语的研究出发点为:将教育话语看做机构话语的具体类型之一。主要关注下列几方面的问题:教育话语中的言语行为类型和话语策略、教育话语中不同类型的言语体裁、教育话语的社会功能。俄罗斯学界不同学者从社会语言学、语用学、教育语言学等视角提出了研究教育话语的各种话语模式,其中,对教育话语价值的关注是俄罗斯教育话语研究在本质上区别于欧美和国内学界的最关键因素。     

Discourse of renewal: Developing multiple-item measurement and analyzing effects on relationships

Emphasis on protecting an organization’s image and reputation has dominated crisis communication research. A crisis is assumed to only bring negative impacts because it tarnishes an organization’s reputation. Priority is placed upon whether an organization can come up with response strategies that mitigate this harm, rather than on rebuilding relationships. Challenging these untested assumptions, discourse of renewal is complementary to the image- and reputation-centered perspectives and theorizes crises as opportunities to reflect, grow, and therefore renew to a better state. To further discourse of renewal, the current study first establishes a valid and reliable measure of discourse of renewal, and investigates how discourse of renewal influences publics’ relationship with an organization. Results of the study indicate that engagement, prospective foci, communication efficiency, and emphasis on organizational culture and core values are four dimensions of discourse of renewal, and that discourse of renewal positively influences publics’ relationship with an organization.     

The Parable of Matthew: Identity Politics, Politics of Desire, and the Politics of Performance

Matthew Shepard's murder in October 1998 provides an opportunity to examine and reconsider identity politics as they play out around Matthew's body. After a sustained critique of identity politics, the author proposes, in their stead, a politics of performance, which offers a constructive alternative to current political agendas by allowing the simultaneous preservation and erasure of difference.     

Patriarchy: The Predominant Discourse and Fount of Domestic Violence

While supporting the need to make class and other forms of marginalisation more visible in the understanding of, and response to, domestic violence, this article argues that, domestic violence is ultimately a discursive phenomenon and that patriarchal discourse remains the fount of domestic violence. This conclusion was drawn after data from a qualitative study of 24 men, from different cultural groups (ethnic, religious, racial, age and class), who had used violence in an intimate heterosexual relationship was considered, alongside ethnographical accounts of societies in which domestic violence is deemed not to have occurred, or to have been minimal. Whereas egalitarian and respectful attitudes towards women are enshrined in the discourse and social institutions of tribes such as the Semai and Waorani, in which intimate partner violence was absent, the most overwhelming discovery of the qualitative study was that class and cultural differences, evident in an analysis of the men's narratives, seemed to be eclipsed by the preeminence and strength of gendered discourse, in keeping with Western patriarchal dictates.     

论青年政治的三种模式及其发展走向

作为群体政治的一个视角，青年政治是群体政治中一种典型的表现形式，它蕴含着极大的政治势能和政治意蕴。青年与政治的关系，在不同的时代和不同的政治环境下具有不同的表现，主要有接班人政治、代际政治和反叛政治等基本模式。然而，从现代政治发展的方向来说，青年与政治发展之间的关系应该是一种以接班人政治为基础，以公民政治为发展方向，充分考虑代际政治的发展规律、最大限度地避免反叛政治出现的一种模式。     

The Social Work and Politics Initiative

Abstract

Social work is becoming a more politically oriented profession. In addition, social work education is including politics as a greater part of the curriculum. Still, much more can be done to increase the amount of political content in social work education. This paper describes a model for involving students in political social work without drastically altering current arrangements. The model consists of two parts: a class on politics and social work and field practica in state legislators' district offices. Following a discussion of the literature on education for political social work, we look closely at the Social Work and Politics Initiative. We also examine problems encountered with the program.     

Examining signs of recovery: How senior crisis communicators define organizational crisis recovery

Interviews with senior crisis communicators explore how crisis recovery is defined and what role publics and organizational communication and characteristics play. Findings reveal recovery is measured operationally and short-term. Effective communication proactively addresses failures, is transparent and honest while positive, focuses on future directions, and rebuilds and repairs symbolic damage. Organizational best practices include tested values and crisis leadership. Publics can facilitate healing, highlight victims’ voices, and provide recovery evidence.     

论当前中东剧变的国内因素及其国际影响

从2010年12月17日突尼斯失业青年布瓦吉吉自焚开始,一场席卷突尼斯全国的政治变革大潮迅速蔓延至中东几乎所有阿拉伯国家。这一突如其来的变化,预示着更为复杂的政治变革进程已经开始。从目前情况来看,各国表面上貌似群龙无首、组织松散的街头抗议,实质都是围绕着"变革"这一主题展开,大量失业青年成为这一"变革"的主要参与力量,而网络新媒体则扮演了推波助澜的角色。变革、青年和网络是中东各国目前政治剧变的三个关键因素,进一步认清三者的互动关系及其作用和影响,不仅可以更好地了解中东当前的政治发展进程,也对维护我国的国家安全和社会稳定,有着十分重要的现实意义。     

Elder Participation and Senior Power in Australian Electoral Politics

This article seeks to assess the “goodness of fit” between the social science literature on the impact of older voters on electoral outcomes and the Australian experience of the politics of aging. While the literature suggests that the notion of senior power is a flawed one, Australia's 2004 federal election campaign indicated that this is not quite so. This article offers a possible explanation for the difference between the literature and the Australian experience in terms of the calculus that underpinned the election campaign, namely, capturing the votes of swing voters in marginal seats including “silver” swing voters in seats with a disproportionate number of older voters. The preliminary findings of a small exploratory study of campaign strategists suggest that there may be a real basis to this explanation. Thus, there does appear to be some basis for asserting that “gray power” does play a role in Australian national electoral politics.     

The New Media and social culture demoralized and demoralizing in China

ABSTRACT

Since sometime in the 1990s, the Internet- and digital technology-based New Media has been on a rapid increase and is now profoundly affecting the daily life of contemporary Chinese people, who are at once enjoying its various benefits and suffer constantly from its problems. It is no surprise that the New Media should have its peculiar liabilities, but in China, in particular, its downsides are extensively and acutely felt. Based on close-range observation of current Chinese life, an in-depth interview and a discussion of a few typical ‘media events’, this paper reviews the disordered and demoralized Chinese social culture, proliferated and amplified by the New Media, in perspectives of media biases, ‘media events’, and communicative strategies and their functional inversion, to explore the correlation between the New Media and cultural derailment and disruption. It suggests that amorality, the absence of deep thinking, and the ever-demoralizing mass culture that mark contemporary China can be, to a large degree, attributed to the technological revolution embodied in the New Media. In short, the demoralized New Media culture is demoralizing the whole social culture.