Being close to ethnic peers: the formation of ethnic residential clustering from a household perspective

To assess the impact of segregation a better understanding is required why minorities and natives decide to move closer to ethnic peers. This study investigates the drivers for ethnic residential clustering from a household perspective. For this, household panel data for Germany is linked to small-scale information on the share of co-ethnic neighbours and to the number of regional housing offers and requests. As a result, life-course changes and indicators of cultural openness show similar effects on ethnic residential clustering for migrants and natives. For both, becoming married, inter-ethnic partnerships and moving out of the parental home lead to lower shares of neighbours with the same ethnic background. Major differences exist regarding contextual factors. Natives are more likely to self-segregate in times of increasing housing supply while migrants seem to face limitations in access to housing in times of increasing housing demand. The results highlight the importance of the housing market and the relation of moving choices between migrants and natives in the formation of ethnic residential clustering.     

Informal practices and the street-level construction of migrant deportability: Chechen refugees and local authorities in Polish accommodation centres for asylum seekers

In a world of unprecedented mobility, an increasing number of migrants are confronted with policies that challenge their belonging and produce subordinate migrant inclusion. This article explores how the deportation regime saturated daily life in accommodation centres for asylum seekers in Eastern Poland, which acted as spaces of deportability that facilitated the deterritorialisation of European political space. Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork among Chechen refugees and local authorities, I argue that the street-level construction of deportability depends on an exchange between formal and informal practices and policies. Ethnographic data indicate that in the Polish centres, the deportation regime took both bureaucratic and non-bureaucratic forms. As street-level bureaucrats carried out their work duties in a way that reduced the scope of their power, the deportation regime relied on refugees to reproduce its disciplinary aspect.     

Explaining the refugee gap: a longitudinal study on labour market participation of refugees in the Netherlands

In this paper, we examine the existence and development of the ‘refugee gap’: the difference in labour market participation rates between refugees and other types of migrants. Using the cumulative disadvantage hypothesis, we studied whether the ‘refugee entry effect’ scars refugees for their working careers in the Netherlands. To do so, we used register data (Social Statistical Database), containing information on all refugees who received refugee status in the Netherlands between 1995 and 1999 (N?=?33,030). We compared their labour market participation over the 2000–2011 period with that of labour and family migrants in the same cohort (N?=?78,298). We conclude that the ‘refugee gap’ exists at the start of refugees working career in the Netherlands and that it diminishes over time.     

The fertility integration of Mexican-Americans across generations: confronting the problem of the ‘third’ generation*

The manner in which ‘third generation’ Mexican-Americans are identified, predicated on self-reported ethnic identity rather than grandparental nativity, is imprecise and potentially confounded with later generations. This study examines the degree to which this imprecision accounts for the stagnation found in many past studies of integration, including fertility integration. We use data from the study Immigration and Intergenerational Mobility in Metropolitan Los Angeles (IIMMLA), which includes questions on grandparental nativity, to construct a better-defined third generation. When IIMMLA data are aggregated into the commonly measured third-plus generation, the findings show a pattern of slow intergenerational-fertility integration, similar to previous research using the Current Population Survey or other data with third-plus generation measures. However, when we consider a third generation identified by grandparental nativity, evidence emerges of a faster fertility decline, bringing the third generation's fertility more in line with the native-born population as a whole. The results suggest that conclusions about integration based on third-plus generation measures should be regarded with greater scepticism and support efforts to include in surveys questions on grandparental nativity to enable the isolation of a genuine third generation among ethnic groups with immigrant origins.     

Modes of incorporation: a conceptual and empirical critique

Entering the debate over segmented assimilation, this paper seeks to refocus discussion on a core, but neglected claim: that inter-group disparities among immigrant offspring derive from differences in a contextual feature shared by immigrant and immigrant descendants: a nationality's mode of incorporation. The paper engages in both theoretical and empirical assessment. We critically examine the concept of mode of incorporation, demonstrating that its operational implications have not been correctly understood; consequently, the core hypothesis has never been appropriately tested. The second part of the paper implements those tests, making use of the Children of Immigrants Longitudinal Survey. We do so by using nationality as a proxy for mode of incorporation, systematically contrasting more advantaged against less advantaged nationalities. We show: (a) that tests systematically varying modes classified as more or less advantageous yield inconsistent outcomes; (b) that positive or negative modes of incorporation are associated with few long-lasting effects; (c) that differences in governmental reception are particularly unlikely to be associated with interethnic disparities; and (d) that compared to theoretically relevant nationalities, neither Mexicans, a nationality assigned to a negative mode of incorporation, nor pre-Mariel Cubans, a nationality assigned to positive mode of incorporation, prove distinctive.     

Social network evolution during long-term migration: a comparison of three case studies in the South Wales region

Ten years after Poland joined the European Union (EU), a sizable number of the once considered short-term migrants that entered the United Kingdom (UK) post-2004 have remained. From the literature, it is known that, when initially migrating, social networks composed of family and friends are used to facilitate migration. Later, migrants’ social networks may evolve to include local, non-ethnic members of the community. Through these networks, migrants may access new opportunities within the local economy. They also serve to socialise newcomers in the cultural modalities of life in the destination country. However, what if migrants’ social networks do not evolve or evolve in a limited manner? Is cultural integration still possible under these conditions? Using data collected from three case studies in the South Wales region – Cardiff, Merthyr Tydfil and Llanelli – from 2008–2012, the aim of this article is to compare Polish migrants’ social network usage, or lack thereof, over time. This comparison will be used to understand how these social networks can be catalysts and barriers for cultural integration. The findings point to the migrants’ varied use of their local social networks, which is dependent upon their language skill acquisition and their labour market mobility in the destination country.     

Transnational contention,domestic integration: assimilating into the hostland polity through homeland activism

While scholars have studied the political incorporation of migrants and refugees through measures related to naturalisation and voting, others have investigated the ways by which participation in protests and other forms of activism foster assimilation. But how is transnational contention connected to domestic integration? Using archival research and life history interviews of Filipino migrant activists in the U.S. and the Netherlands and drawing from the literatures on immigrant assimilation and social movements, I show the processes and mechanisms that enable activists to become simultaneously involved in the movements for homeland regime change for migrant/minority rights in the hostland. Thus, they assimilate into the domestic polity while they participate in transnational politics. I argue that as activists perform the functions associated with homeland activism, they develop relations and networks that allow new forms of collective identities to emerge, often rooted in civil-society spaces in the hostland. This study contributes to the debate on transnationalism and assimilation, which has recently moved from contradiction to synergy.     

The paradox of integration and isolation within immigrant organisations: the case of a Latin American Association in Israel

Most immigrant organisations aim to facilitate the integration of immigrants into the host society while seeking to preserve their cultural heritage. In order to explore the tension between these two apparently opposite processes within immigrant organisations, a case study was carried out on the Organization of Latin American Immigrants in Israel (OLEI). The research question focuses on how, and to what extent, OLEI contributes to the integration of Latin American immigrants into Israeli society and how, and to what extent, it contributes to their isolation. The findings indicate that while individual services promote the integration of Latin American immigrants into Israeli society, communal services both isolate and integrate them simultaneously. To address this paradox, I suggest an interpretation of this process as ‘integration through isolation’, since OLEI socially isolates immigrants, but at the same time integrates them into the host society by providing Israeli culture in Spanish.     

机遇与适应:青海生态移民生存与原居地草场关系

生态移民作为解决我国生态环境问题的重要措施从上个世纪九十年代就已被政府作为西部大开发的重要内容。2003年,作为全国四个重点区域之一的青海省开始在牧区实施退牧还草工程,退牧还草工程的生态移民先后在2004年下半年搬迁到第一批试点的四个集中安置地。2005年开始,国家又在青海省境内的长江、黄河、澜沧江三江源头的汇水区即“三江源区”实施“三江源地区生态建设与保护工程”,该工程涉及青海省4州16县l镇,行政区划包括青海省的玉树、果洛两个藏族自治州全境,海南藏族自治州的兴海、同德两县,黄南藏族自治州的河南、泽库两县以及格尔木市的唐古拉山镇。三江源生态建设与保护工程的重要措施之一也是进行生态移民。与退牧还草工程一样,三江源工程生态移民采取两种安置方式,一种是集中安置,由国家按照一定标准统一建成移民安置房,采取国家补贴、牧民部分购买的方式安置;另一种是自主安置,国家把补贴直接发放给牧民,由牧民自己选择投亲靠友或者自行建房的形式搬离牧场。青海先后在乡镇或县城附近建成了80多个集中安置点,安置5万多移出草场的牧民。按照生态移民政策,这些牧民处理掉牲畜,移出草场,上交10年的草场承包使用权,在聚居点度过10年过渡期。期间,享受国家按照每户每年6000元（拥有草场承包证的牧户）或3000元（没有草场承包证的牧户或新立户）的饲料粮补助（从2008年起,为了解决生态移民的冬季取暖问题,国家另外对每户补助1000元取暖费）。同时,通过培训、劳务输出等方式,引导移民发展后续产业,解决过度期间的生存问题。     

The myth of transit: the making of a life by asylum seekers and refugees in Indonesia

An increasing number of migrants are living in a state of indefinite ‘transit’. In this paper, we report on interviews conducted in 2009 with 59 refugees and asylum seekers in Indonesia and describe how these individuals make a life despite their circumstances. While all participants were deeply affected by their position of uncertainty and insecurity, most sought to transcend these conditions and pursue significant life projects such as getting married, having children, becoming part of the local community, and working towards a better future. The current conceptualisation of transit as life in limbo does not wholly account for such permanent, life-changing experiences. We analyse the reasons why the use of the term ‘transit’ persists in international policy settings despite its incongruities, arguing that its ongoing political valence overrides its conceptual flaws.     

The struggle of autonomy and authenticity: framing the savage refugee

James Hathaway has described refugee law as ‘fundamentally oriented to the promotion of autonomy’. Borrowed from the Kantian roots of liberal rights theory, this theme has come to the fore as refugee advocates decry increasingly draconian experiments in deflection and deterrence. But what exactly does it mean for a refugee to exercise autonomy? And how is it connected to that other popular refrain – that those who arrive irregularly by boat in Australia, despite high recognition rates, are not ‘genuine’ refugees? By examining the assumptions underpinning autonomy as a contemporary political value, and working within the theoretical construct that identifies a state's ‘recognition’ of autonomy with authenticity, this article explores tensions within both public discourse on refugees and the discipline of refugee law itself. It considers how and why the refugee exercising ‘authentic’ moral agency by boarding a boat is depicted not just as a threat, but as inherently irrational (and thus not ‘authentically’ autonomous) and less ‘genuine’ (and thus virtuous) than the ‘passive’ refugee languishing in a camp overseas, awaiting ‘our’ redemptive touch. Finally, it asks whether refugee law similarly suffers from the contradictory moral promise of human rights law which places autonomy at its heart while in practice requiring that humanity be split between victim, savage and redeemer.     

Mobility and security: the perceived benefits of citizenship for resettled young people from refugee backgrounds

In recent decades, the meaning and value of formal state citizenship has shifted dramatically. In the same period, scholarship on citizenship has drawn attention to the proliferation of alternative forms of sub-, supra- and transnational citizenship, at times obscuring the ongoing importance of formal state citizenship. For refugees, however, formal state citizenship remains a critical and widely shared goal. Drawing on interviews with 51 young people from refugee backgrounds in Melbourne, Australia, this article explores the intersecting themes of mobility and security that were identified by participants as the most important benefits of acquiring formal state citizenship in the country of resettlement. In contrast to the insecurity of forced migration, formal state citizenship provides a privileged mobility that enables refugee-background youth to maintain and create transnational identities and attachments and to be protected while doing so, while also granting a secure status within the nation state and insurance against further displacement in an uncertain future. In offering these forms of mobility and security, formal state citizenship contributes to a sense of ontological security among refugee-background youth, providing an important foundation for building national and transnational futures.     

语言濒危原因探析--兼论语言转用的多种因素

本文以大量语言濒危现象为例证 ,对引起语言濒危的原因进行分析 ,认为产生语言濒危乃至消失的原因有两类 ,其中由于主动的语言转用造成的本族语消失是产生当代语言濒危现象的主要原因。在此基础上 ,本文进一步对影响语言转用的人口比例、文化基础、经济优势等多种基本社会因素进行分析 ,提出这些社会因素互相交织在一起 ,对语言的使用发生综合的影响 ,最终由取得优势的因素决定语言的发展趋势。     

历史上官营茶马贸易对汉藏关系的影响

茶马贸易自唐朝出现以来,历经宋元明清至民国时期,延续时间长达千余年,它在中国古代民族关系史中的地位是不可低估的.茶马贸易有官营和私营之分,本文以官营为主,探讨茶马贸易对汉藏关系的影响,指出官营茶马贸易不仅为民族间频繁的经济文化交往提供了条件,促进了民族间经济文化的发展,而且是内地与周边密切关系的基础.     

成都市彝族进城务工人员城市融入研究

改革开放以来,彝族群众进城务工人数不断增加,城市融入成为他们面临的主要问题之一。本文以成都市为例,对彝族进城务工人员的城市融入现状、影响因素等问题进行具体分析,在此基础上提出相应的解决对策。     

On the back of blackness: contemporary Canadian blackface and the consumptive production of post-racialist,white Canadian subjects

This article is based on a qualitative research project examining the phenomenon of contemporary Canadian blackface. It addresses the discursive juxtaposition of blackface with the claim to Canadian racial progressiveness that typically attends public debates about blackface. I argue that blackface and the discourses defending it are forms of racial consumption through which ostensibly progressive white subjectivities are secured. I further argue that contemporary Canadian blackface discourse is postracialist in its ability to juxtapose racist expression with claims of racial transcendence, and I identify this postracialism as a long-standing feature of Canadian national narratives that are partially constructed through revisionist understandings of the nation’s relationship to blackness, and against an ostensibly more virile racism in the US. This analysis reminds us of the symbiotic relationship between racial fetishization/fascination as found in contemporary blackface, the foundational white supremacy of the Canadian settler-colonial context, and the always uneven terms upon which blackness is included in Canada. It clarifies what is at stake for Canadians who participate in blackface and in defending it, and helps us to understand the pedagogical import of both blackface and Canadian egalitarianism for perpetuating anti-blackness in Canada.     

Political constructions of a cross-community identity in a divided society: how politicians articulate Northern Irishness

ABSTRACT

A shared identity has been shown to reduce prejudice between conflicting social groups. One such common national category is the ‘Northern Irish’ identity which can be inclusive of both Catholics and Protestants. This study analyses the plenary sessions of the Northern Ireland Assembly to show how the national category ‘Northern Irish’ is framed by politicians. Content analysis shows that it is used more often by centrist parties who tend to frame it positively and as part of their political viewpoint. There is also evidence of the instrumental use of this identity by unionists in line with the ingroup projection model.     

Italy: the ‘illegality factory’? Theory and practice of refugees’ reception in Sicily

ABSTRACT

The recent surge of migrants crossing the Mediterranean in search of protection has presented a major challenge for the whole European Union. What has been labelled as a ‘refugee crisis’ is first and foremost a crisis of international politics and the result of inadequate response mechanisms at local level. This paper focuses on the case of Sicily, the second main area of arrival, after Greece, when migration to the Mediterranean reached its peak. With a long history of immigration, since 2015 the Italian island has seen the implementation of a new approach based on ‘hotspots’: designated areas for the separation of those deemed as economic migrants from ‘genuine asylum seekers’. In the view of some, this has made Italy into a model of migration management, as opposed to the chaotic situation of the Greek islands. The hotspot approach, however, has been also criticised for being engrained on practices that many deem unlawful, actively producing discrimination and condemning many migrants to an illegal status on the Italian soil. Informed by findings from an international research project (EVI-MED), this paper examines this complex scenario, exploring the social, legal and human implications of the refugees’ reception system in Italy.