Identity Politics Among Arab‐American Women*

Objective. Identity politics has dominated contemporary analyses of protest movements. Although multiple identities are commonplace, progress in delineating their empirical relationship has been slow. This article examines the relationships among ethnic and religious identities and feminist orientations among Arab‐American women, a group that bridges multiple cultural identities. The primary research question is whether ethnic and religious identities undermine feminism in this population or whether multiple identities are mutually supportive. Methods. Using data from a national mail survey of Arab‐American women, regression analyses examine the separate effects of various dimensions of ethnic and religious identity on women's feminist orientations. Results. Arab political identity is positively associated with feminism while religious and feminist identities are inversely related. The effects of ethnic cultural identity and Muslim affiliation are negligible. Conclusions. This study finds a complex pattern of relationships among multiple identities and underscores the underlying political dynamic linking group identities.     

Religious freedom and gender equality in India

After India gained independence in 1947, the country's leaders promised its diverse constituents citizenship rights that extended across religion, gender, and caste. Distinct from its previous British rule, India's constitutional law guarantees citizens the right to religious freedom and associated cultural practices, and prohibits gender and caste‐based discrimination. However, in ensuring freedom of religion, the constitution also effectively affirms gender inequality through patriarchal religious and cultural practices. This article examines how the constitutional rights of religious freedom and gender equality have been negotiated among each other in contemporary Indian society. I draw upon three landmark Indian Supreme Court cases that navigate the terrain of affirming both women's civic rights and religious freedom. Findings suggest that the Supreme Court is working toward a more inclusive definition of citizenship, particularly one which supports women's civic rights within the context of religious personal law.     

Faith,Flight and Foreign Policy: Effects of war and migration on Western Australian Bosnian Muslims

This article examines the nexus between war, religion and migration through a series of qualitative interviews with Bosnian Muslim humanitarian entrants to Western Australia. By utilising a three‐tiered model for assessing religiosity, the interviews reveal that a substantial number of participants placed a greater emphasis on Islam during the Balkan conflict. The way in which individual religiosity was expressed upon resettlement in Western Australia was largely determined by pre‐migration religiosity and postmigration contact with other Muslims. In particular, migrants with a low level of Islamic knowledge tended to internalise the values and ideas of more conservative Muslims upon arriving in the receiver‐nation. Meanwhile, those with a well‐developed pre‐migration understanding of Islam tend to resist outside influence and continue their original beliefs and practices. The findings demonstrate that conflicts at the state level frequently precipitate psychological crises of identity at the personal level; this in turn has an effect on the cultural and political landscape of migrant receiving nations.     

Self-perception of minority group adolescents: the experience of Arabs living in Israel

This article describes the self-perception of Arab adolescents living in Israel. The experience of Arab adolescents in Israel is that of a minority group which is currently undergoing cultural, social and political changes. The Arabs in Israel are a non-assimilating minority, a status that is not the result of their free choice, but of the 1948 Arab-Israeli war. The continuing state of conflict after this war between Israel and the Arab world has placed the Arabs in Israel in the permanent status of a hostile "minority", while the Jewish nationalist approach of the state of Israel has placed them outside the national consensus.
The sample consists of 692 twelfth-grade Arab adolescents from seven high schools located in Arab villages, Arab towns and mixed Jewish-Arab towns all over the country. Questionnaires were distributed among the students and were answered anonymously, each taking about 45 minutes to complete. The questionnaire is a version of the Offer Self-Image Questionnaire. It was translated from Hebrew into Arabic and modified to fit the unique situation of Arab adolescents in Israel. Demographic information included variables such as gender, religion and level of religiosity, number of years of parents education, and form of residence.
Findings show differences in various aspects of adolescents' self-perception according to gender, family level of religiosity and form of residence. The significance of the findings is discussed within two frameworks: environmental stability as related to self-concept, and the changes taking place in ethnic minority communities.     

Hatred of "Others" Among Jewish, Arab, and Palestinian Students in Israel

This study analyzes hatred against diverse sociopolitical groups and compares the social and political attitudes of three distinct and highly differentiated groups: Jewish, Arab, and Palestinian high school students in Israel and the Palestinian Authority. It examines their perceptions of the political context and aims to find the factors that influence the extremity of their hatred. Analysis of the data shows that the proposed model is more applicable to Jewish students than it is to Arabs and Palestinians, and shows that hatred toward outgroups is influenced by religiosity, the salience of national and civic identity, national security issues, and political ideology.     

Foundations of Feminism: How Philanthropic Patrons Shaped Gender Politics*

Objectives. Although recent research has documented the contributions of philanthropic foundations as “patrons” of the major identity movements, scholars know very little about the specific ways foundations have influenced these movements' development and impact. This study examines the role of foundations in shaping the U.S. women's movement of the 1960s–1980s, in particular the role that foundations played in deciding which of its claimsmakers—and by extension, its claims—would be sustained. Methods. The study is based on an original data set of nearly 6,500 foundation grants to women's groups, or for women's causes, from 1970 to 1990. It examines shifts in the types of groups that received foundation grants and in the female interests that these groups represented. Results. Philanthropic patrons were central to transforming women from servants of society into claimants against the state. Likewise, foundations played a critical role in segmenting U.S. womanhood into politically relevant subgroups (civic stewards, battered women, lesbians, etc.) with ever narrower policy claims. Conclusions. By legitimizing identity subgroups and their policy agendas, foundations played an important role in the development of special interest politics in the second half of the 20th century. In this way, professional grantmakers have constituted a critical yet overlooked force behind the construction of U.S. hyperpluralism, in the process diminishing the capacity of gender to unite women in common cause.     

如何在社会调查中更好地测量中国人的宗教信仰？

由于西方社会排他性强的聚会性宗教占主导地位,而中国排他性弱的混合宗教更为兴盛,故中国的社会调查运用宗派本位的西方宗教测量工具会遇到遗漏或错分信仰群体等问题。对此,本文从信仰归属、宗教实践、宗教组织成员资格三个维度及这三个维度之间的逻辑关系上提出中西宗教之差别对问卷调查的影响。通过在2014年中国家庭追踪调查中尝试神灵本位的信仰测量方案,以及将其分别与该调查前后两轮追踪调查的问卷设计和数据相比较,本文检验及展现了既有测量工具在采集中国人宗教信仰数据时存在的问题,并提出改进宗教信仰社会测量的建议。     

Faith and Politics: The Influence of Religious Beliefs on Political Participation*

Objective. The relationship between religion and political participation has not been rigorously investigated, typically employing only basic measures of church attendance or denomination. In this study, we utilize precise measures of various religious behaviors, traditions, and beliefs to examine their influence on political participation. Methods. Using data from the Baylor Religion Survey 2005, we demonstrate that merely including measures of church attendance or denomination camouflages much of religion's influence on political participation. Results. We find that religious beliefs are significantly related to national political participation. For religious activities, identifying with a religious tradition reduces participation, but participation in church activities increases political participation. Conclusion. Different types of religious beliefs influence political participation differently. Although some macro religious beliefs significantly increase macro political behavior, believers in an involved God are less likely to participate politically. Individualistic, micro beliefs have no affect on national politics. Thus, the scope of the religious belief fits with the scope of the political activity, in that more macro concerns translate to national political participation.     

The Link Between Voter Choice and Religious Identity in Contemporary Society: Bringing Classical Theory Back In*

Objectives. In this article, we analyze voter choice data from six U.S. presidential elections for evidence of religious identity and sociodemographic effects on voter choice. Methods. Voter choice is analyzed over the period 1980 to 2000 with multivariate statistical models. Results. A link is found between voter choice and religious identity, where the effect of religious identity on voter choice is contingent on location within the stratification order defined by race, class, and gender. The article proposes a theory to explain the contingent link between voter choice and religious identity; the theory is derived from classical sociology. Conclusion. In the United States, political behavior related to religious identity is contingent on the individual's location within the stratification order.     

Religion and relief: the role of religion in mobilizing civil society against global poverty

Abstract

Although global poverty is one of the world's most pressing contemporary problems, there is a lack of political will to address it, and much of the work is left to non-governmental organizations (NGOs)-many of which have religious connections. However, religion's role in this area is surprisingly understudied. In attempting to fill the gap, this study explores what makes religion effective in mobilizing civil society actors to engage in transnational poverty relief and development. The paper examines the salience of religious actors in the field, before developing a theoretical framework to explain this prevalence, employing sociologically based theories of religious social capital, content, and cultural power. Finally, these issues are investigated practically through case studies of two religious NGOs, World Vision New Zealand (WVNZ) and TEAR Fund New Zealand. The findings corroborate the theoretical framework, demonstrating the considerable potential of religion to mobilize civil society in the fight against global poverty.     

Do the regulatory standards require religious literacy of U.K. health and social care professionals?

Health and social care professionals need sufficient religious literacy in order to handle the complexities of religious beliefs and practices, including the growing numbers who identify with other belief systems and those who claim to identify with no religion. The extent to which the need for religious literacy has been formalized was examined in an analysis of regulatory frameworks for health and social care professionals in the United Kingdom. Although all but one of the regulators make some reference to religion and beliefs, they are silent on the question as to what is meant by religion and beliefs. Some standards include a requirement not to impose one's own beliefs on others, but there is very little requirement to develop a reflective and self‐critical awareness of one's own stance. Likewise, some standards refer to knowledge and skills required, but greater specificity is required for these to be meaningful.     

Identity and Gender Roles of Orthodox Jewish Women

Abstract

The purpose of this study is to examine how ultra-Orthodox women's unique religious beliefs and values affect their gender roles and everyday life. The ultra-Orthodox community is one of several sub-groups within the Orthodox community that, overall, has a range of attitudes towards the women's roles. To date, little research has been conducted with this community. This study, therefore, aims to examine these women's roles as mothers, wives and community members, and to discuss the implications of those roles for clinical practice.     

Trailblazing women in academia: Representation of women in senior faculty and the gender gap in junior faculty's salaries in higher educational institutions

This study examines how women's representation at different levels of an organizational hierarchy predicts gender equity in assistant professors’ salaries at four-year universities. This study suggests that women's proportion at the full professor rank is positively associated with improved gender equity in assistant professors’ salaries, while women's proportion at the associate and assistant ranks is not significantly associated with improved gender equity. Institutions with a female president, however, have a greater wage gap. Overall, the results imply that the presence of women who blazed the trail of tenure and promotion contributes to the improved gender equity for their junior colleagues.     

If Islam is our other,who are ‘we‘?

Since September 11, the Australian media has increasingly represented Muslim Australians as essential outsiders threatening standards and values of the modern liberal democratic polity. This article traces a similar trend in a number of Western European countries, finding a link with backlashes against multiculturalism and a call for a return to putatively universal and absolute values that are being contravened by Muslims. The article also connects both the dehumanising portrayals of Muslims, as enemies of humanity, and the concomitant depiction of Western nations as the embodiment of universal values with Carl Schmitt's theory that, under such circumstances, all constraints on how the enemy is to be treated are rendered nugatory. It argues that US policies regarding torture are consistent with Schmitt's analysis. Drawing on recent literature on the historical and sociological construction of secular forms, the article then asks whether Muslims are regarded as radical enemies because they are a threat to the West's self conception as modern and secular, or whether the conflict is of a religious nature. It concludes by looking at recent political rhetoric and educational policy in Australia to argue that despite the dominant note appearing to be one of secularism, there is a notable presence of references to Christian values, indicating that it is not simply religion per se that is seen as problematic, but Islam in particular.     

Equality in Cyberdemocracy? Gauging Gender Gaps in On‐Line Civic Participation*

Objectives. This study examines gender gaps in civic participation by describing gaps in on‐line participation and by explaining whether socialization, situation, or structure best account for gaps. Methods. Cross‐tabulations and OLS regression were used to analyze 2000 GSS data, which show that men are more likely to have used a computer or the web and to use the web or chat rooms more. Results. Few gender differences exist in on‐line civic participation. Men more frequently use government information websites and discuss political views, the economy, foreign affairs, and taxes on the web. Women tend to visit websites to better understand issue complexities and to discuss or learn about gender or women's issues. Marital or work situations do not influence discussion, but the structural variable of education specifies some on‐line civic participation. Conclusion. Social status is better than gender at explaining civic participation in general, political information source gathering, and versatility of political interests pursued on‐line.     

Women and Government Budgets

In recognition of the significant, but often unknown, impact of government budgets on the role and status of women, both Federal and State Labor government administrations have introduced ‘women's budget’ statements. It is important to recognise that the political motivation of governments in establishing women's budgets has been primarily political self interest. To some extent, however, the move also reflects the growing economic focus, and power, of the women's movement. This paper examines the content and limitations of women's budget programs.     

His,hers, or ours? Work-to-family spillover,crossover, and family cohesion

Using the contagion model of spillover and crossover, this study examines gender differences in the effects of workplace characteristics (e.g., hours worked in the paid-labor force, job satisfaction, work flexibility, perception of partner's work–family spillover) on family cohesion among a random sample of dual-earner couples. Important gender differences were found among respondents: the crossover effect is stronger among men, while women's perceptions of family cohesion are more strongly influenced by work and job characteristics. Work–family policy implications are examined.     

Testing the impact of gender equality on reproductive health: An analysis of developing countries

This paper proposes a conceptual framework to explore the impact of gender equality on women's reproductive health with economic and political development as background factors. The data for the study are obtained from 136 developing countries. Structural equation analysis is used to test the hypotheses. The proposed model of women's reproductive health is basically supported by the empirical findings from the developing countries. First, the findings underscore the proposition that gender equality has a pivotal role to play in the promotion of women's reproductive health. The second finding points to the importance of economic development in predicating women's reproductive health. Finally, a positive and statistically significant relationship is found between economic development and gender equality. The results reinforce the Cairo Program of Action that women's reproductive health is contingent upon development policies and gender equality in society.     

Adolescent Religiosity and School Contexts*

Objectives. Schools serve as the primary social organizations for adolescents, structuring their lives and conveying a variety of skills, norms, and values, but relatively little is known about how schools influence the development of religious belief, attitudes, and behavior during adolescence. We explore how schools' religious norms, coupled with adolescents' pursuit of social status through conformity, affect public and private religiosity. Methods. Employing data from the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health (Add Health), we use multilevel modeling to examine the impact of school context on adolescents' public and private religiosity. Results. We find that school norms are influential in shaping both public religious expressions and private devotional activities, but pursuit of social status is a motivation for change across religious contexts only of public religious activity. The effect of social status as a motivator of religious change was moderated by the strength of the adolescent's identification with the school, especially for private religiosity. Conclusions. Schools play a key role in the social development of adolescents, and students' religious beliefs and behaviors are influenced systematically and observably by the type of religious climate within the school.     

Through the gender lens: a comparison of family policy in Sweden and China

In this study, Sweden and China's family policies, with a specific focus on their effect on gender equality, are compared. We describe the different goals and objectives of parental/maternity leave and childcare policies. The effect of family policies on gender equality, indicated by equal employment opportunities for women and the gender division of labour in the family in the two countries, is also discussed. A systematic comparison revealed that both countries included the promotion of gender equality in their policy agendas, but they varied in design and implementation. Swedish family policies assume childcare is a public concern, and women's participation in the labour market and men's involvement in childcare are considered to be crucial to achieving gender equality. In contrast, China's family policies emphasize women's participation in the labour market, but overlook the gender division of household work and childcare at home.