Gender Jeopardy: What is the Impact of Gender Differences in Political Knowledge on Political Participation?*

Objective. We explore whether observed sex‐based differences in political knowledge have an impact on men's and women's participation in six different political activities. Methods. Utilizing ANES data from the five presidential elections between 1984 and 2000, we employ logistic regression to estimate the likelihood of voting, influencing a vote, attending a political meeting, working on a political campaign, wearing a political button, and making a campaign donation. Results. At lower levels of political knowledge, women's lower political knowledge depresses their participation in politics. The participation gap disappears at higher levels of political knowledge for three participatory acts: attempting to influence a vote, attending a political meeting, and donating to a political campaign. Furthermore, at higher levels of political knowledge, women are more likely than men to vote, wear a political button, or work for political campaigns. Conclusion. Our analysis reveals that political knowledge differentially affects men's and women's political participation. These findings complement existing scholarship that finds women hold themselves to a higher standard before engaging in political activities such as running for elected office.     

Preparing for Elite Political Participation Simulations and the Political Socialization of Adolescents

Objective. We ask: How do socialization experiences shape adolescent perceptions of and the performance of gender in political leadership roles? We examine a political simulation, Model United Nations, which attracts academically motivated students aspiring to elite roles in politics and government. Methods. Using observational and survey data, we explore adolescent behavior in the simulation as both a learning experience and as a reflection of students' perceptions of leadership behavior. Results. Three critical observations emerge. First, the Model United Nations is a domain in which young women do not play an equal part. Female delegates take far fewer speaking turns. However, contextual factors, including membership on a committee that deals with less masculine issues and on a committee with a female chair, increase the likelihood of female turn‐taking. Second, though participants come to the event with very similar motivations, young women leave less satisfied with their personal effectiveness than do young men. Finally, female delegates are judged less favorably by themselves and others and thus as less successful in the simulation. Conclusions. These findings have normative implications for the recruitment of young women to politics.     

全球化与中国政治稳定

经济全球化对中国的政治稳定带来双重影响。中国参与全球化、推动社会主义现代化将有助于解决中国社会主要矛盾 ;有助于深化改革 ,实现社会结构全面优化 ;有助于扩大开放 ,发挥后发优势 ,增强综合国力 ,从而对巩固发展中国政治稳定产生积极影响。同时 ,伴随中国参与全球化进程 ,中国国内经济、政治、思想文化领域的非稳定因素也将增多 ,不容忽视。中国参与全球化、全面推进现代化 ,保持政治稳定的战略对策是 :必须树立动态的政治稳定观 ,把握改革、发展、稳定大局 ;积极稳妥地推进政治体制改革 ,加速政治民主化进程 ;大力加强社会主义精神文明的建设等。     

南朝恩幸干政与中枢政治关系

恩幸是封建帝王身边宠幸的近臣,历代皆有恩幸存在,不同朝代,恩幸的特点不同,由于南朝的时代特点,南朝恩幸表现出明显的参政意识,并广泛参与政治。在中央表现为在皇权的支配下,积极参与中央决策、参与宫廷政变等政治活动。南朝恩幸得以参与中枢政治,与南朝官制变化、皇权上升、士族缺乏行政能力等有关,另外与恩幸自身具有从政能力、善于讨得皇帝信任等特点也有关。通过对南朝恩幸与中枢政治关系的分析,可以进一步了解南朝政治的特点。     

以人民性为中心的科学实践 20世纪50年代精神预防性无痛分娩法在中国

20世纪50年代苏联精神预防性无痛分娩法在中国的传播可以视为一场科学实践，超越了科学与政治二元对立的逻辑。分析它如何被接纳、正当化与转化，可以拓展对中国式现代化的理解。专业医护人员将无痛分娩的政治推进转化为科学叙事和实践，将苏联知识在地解释为助产动作、会阴保护，甚至借用巴甫洛夫理论发展祖国医学，呈现着有限度的科学自主性。以人民性为中心的无痛分娩裹挟着科学、阶级、性别和国族的复杂叙事，呈现出去技术化和再技术化、“文明产妇”与“经管”产痛的张力，生活世界与政治的“距离”提示着人民性与中国现代性之间的复杂关系。     

The Greens and Social Policy: Movements,Politics and Practice?

The central aim of this paper is to show how different types of green movement respond to questions of social policy. An important factor in this is a difference in attitudes to the state between more anarchistic greens and those greens that are prepared to accept a permanent and/or strategic role for the state. The paper is divided into two parts. In part one, after defning the green movement, it outlines how different green social movements from local groups, direct action protestors, established environmental groups and green political parties, have developed analyses, responses and alternatives to social policy issues. Part two of the paper looks at some of the ideological/theoretical debates within green politics with regard to social policy, with particular regard to the role of the state. It goes on to look at some of the ways in which European green parties have viewed social policy, and at proposals they have advanced for moving the aim of social policy from "welfare" to "well-being". It concludes with suggesting that the "post-materialist" characterization of green politics is very wide of the mark in terms of the range of analyses and policy alternatives greens have put forward, from health, education and drugs to transport. The central and long-standing green concern with lessening socioeconomic inequalities (but without relying on indiscriminate and unsustainable "economic growth") means that in terms of social policy, green politics can be seen as an "environmentalism of the poor", concerned with "materialist" issues.     

网络极端情绪人群的类型及其政治与社会意涵——基于中国网络社会心态调查数据（2014）的实证研究

本文以社会化媒体的用户为中心,以用户的网络极端情绪表达为切入点,考察中国社会化媒体空间中的群体类型,并探讨各群体的客观背景特征,以及各群体的政治态度和网络表达行动。对中国网络社会心态调查数据（2014）的潜类分析表明,我们可以根据微博用户表达的极端情绪将其划分为“酱油众”“冷漠族”“铁血爱国派”“愤世嫉俗派”和“民粹主义者”五类群体。其中,“民粹主义者”具有一定的“草根左派”色彩,“铁血爱国派”具有某种“亲体制左派”的色彩,“冷漠族”则倾向于“温和右派”,“愤世嫉俗派”倾向于“激进右派”。就政治态度而言,“愤世嫉俗派”对体制的态度最为负面,“民粹主义者”对政府的信任度最低,而“铁血爱国派”对体制的态度最为正面,对政府的信任度最高。就网络行动而言,“民粹主义者”使用网络暴力和参与在线抗议的可能性都最高,其次是“愤世嫉俗派”和“铁血爱国派”。文章最后指出,对互联网用户极端情绪的研究是理解中国网络社会的重要窗口。     

《论语》之“政治伦理”与“伦理政治”

孔子之＂德＂在其＂政＂面前,是方法而不是基础,＂德＂以＂政＂为取向和目标,＂为政以德＂不是政治伦理而是伦理政治。因此,对于《论语》中的政治与道德,我们不能从道德的视角去观察政治,而要从政治的视角去观察道德才符合孔子的思想逻辑。具体到孔子思想的核心概念＂仁＂,我们可以说＂仁＂的思想是孔子的伦理思想基础,而不能由此推论说＂仁＂的思想是孔子的政治伦理思想基础。     

Push‐Pull Factors and Immigrant Political Integration in Germany*

Objectives. Drawing specifically on the German case, I argue that individuals' motivations for immigration, or so‐called push‐pull factors, have a lasting impact beyond the decision to immigrate and, in fact, profoundly influence immigrants' political integration in the host country. Specifically, economic push‐pull factors are likely to impede immigrants' political integration, whereas political push‐pull factors lead immigrants to remain more interested and engaged in politics while abroad. Methods. I test these hypotheses using a combination of qualitative interviews conducted in 2002 with first‐generation Turkish immigrants living in Berlin, and quantitative survey data from the 1998 German Socio‐Economic Panel (GSOEP). Results. Results from both analyses lend considerable support to these assertions. Conclusions. The positive findings suggest that factors unique to the immigrant experience contribute to a fundamentally different understanding of immigrants' political integration from that of natives.     

论政治文明建设与政治体制有效运行

发展社会主义民主政治,建设社会主义政治文明,是社会主义现代化建设的重要目标。政治文明建设的当务之急是政治制度创新,建立有效运行的政治体制,实现社会主义民主政治的制度化、规范化、程序化。有效运行的政治体制应包括先进的思想观念;权力的协调、制约、监督机制和行为的激励机制;社会的安全与稳定等。     

Faith and Politics: The Influence of Religious Beliefs on Political Participation*

Objective. The relationship between religion and political participation has not been rigorously investigated, typically employing only basic measures of church attendance or denomination. In this study, we utilize precise measures of various religious behaviors, traditions, and beliefs to examine their influence on political participation. Methods. Using data from the Baylor Religion Survey 2005, we demonstrate that merely including measures of church attendance or denomination camouflages much of religion's influence on political participation. Results. We find that religious beliefs are significantly related to national political participation. For religious activities, identifying with a religious tradition reduces participation, but participation in church activities increases political participation. Conclusion. Different types of religious beliefs influence political participation differently. Although some macro religious beliefs significantly increase macro political behavior, believers in an involved God are less likely to participate politically. Individualistic, micro beliefs have no affect on national politics. Thus, the scope of the religious belief fits with the scope of the political activity, in that more macro concerns translate to national political participation.     

六朝世族的政治意识与政治行为——以琅琊王氏为例

六朝世族实际上是世代为官的家族,与政治之间具有非同一般的关系。在此背景下,居于六朝世族之首的琅琊王氏作为最特殊的家族之一,其家族的一切活动始终离不开政治这一主线,对政治更具有超常的依赖性。因此,从微观角度认真探讨琅琊王氏的政治意识与政治行为,对于深入开展六朝政治史研究具有重要的意义。     

抗争、民主与治理:全球治理下的抗争政治研究

随着20世纪60年代西方社会运动的兴起,西方国家的国内政治由此发展出有别于常规制度、正式政治的独特政治形态——抗争政治。诸多的理论认为,这一政治形态对其国内政治的民主和治理都具有积极的促进作用。本文通过对抗争政治历程的研究,指出:一方面,全球化及反全球化运动、全球风险社会都使得全球政治和治理发生大转型,由此引发全球社会运动,抗争从国内走向国际;而另一方面,抗争功能也具有局限性。同时认为,国内和国际层面上的抗争政治,关注全球抗争与民主、治理的关系,呈现出与常规政治不同的性质、特点和功能,具有重大的理论和实践价值。     

Environmental Policy Attitudes: Issues,Geographical Scale,and Political Trust*

Objectives. This article examines environmental policy attitudes, focusing on the differences in preferences across issue type (i.e., pollution, resource preservation) and geographical scale (i.e., local, national, global). In addition, we study whether an individual's trust in government influences environmental policy attitudes. Methods. Analyzing data from the 2007 Cooperative Congressional Election Study, we estimate a series of OLS regression models to examine the public's environmental policy attitudes. Results. We find stronger public support for government action to address pollution issues than resources issues, and stronger support for local and national pollution abatement than dealing with global problems. We also find that Republicans and ideological conservatives are less likely to support further government effort to address the environment, and that more trusting individuals are more favorable to government action to address pollution and global issues. Conclusion. Environmental policy attitudes vary by the nature of the issue; however, political ideology and partisan affiliation are consistent predictors of preferences across issues, even when controlling for an individual's level of trust in government.     

"Political Islam" and Western Society

The term "political Islam" sounds strange to people who are not familiar with Muhammad's teaching: how can a religion be political? To a Muslim—for whom religion is inseparable from politics, the state, and from all spheres of a person's life—this formula seems equally strange, but for a different reason entirely. After all, in Islam there is no division into secular power and spiritual power; in fact, the Church as an institution does not even exist. The Christian formula "Render therefore unto Caesar the things which are Caesar's; and unto God the things that are God's" [Matthew 22:21] is unacceptable to Islam; and the Muslim rulers, beginning with the caliphs, have embodied both spiritual and secular power at the same time. From a Muslim standpoint, Islam's political influence is a natural phenomenon.     

The Nature of the Political Reconsidered

I present an immanent, and explanatory, critique of reflections on the nature of politics and of power within political science. I argue that these reflections are problematic, to the extent that they presuppose an actualist conception of the political, and that this is generated by an empiricist way of thinking on the one hand and a constructivist way of thinking on the other. I show how re‐defining politics, power, and the political on the basis of a dialectical critical realist ontology resolves these problems and, thereby, allows us to understand the conditions for social change and the relationship between the political and the economic. My argument has two, important implications: first, that the proposal that those who study politics professionally should celebrate philosophical diversity is dangerous–at least if it makes it difficult to sustain a distinct, emancipatory form of political inquiry; and, second, that the nature of social reality justifies the need both for specialized forms of inquiry, such as politics and economics, and integrative forms of inquiry, such as political economy.     

Free trade and cheap theatre: sources of politics for the nineteenth-century London poor

The very poor and unskilled workers of mid-nineteenth-century London – often termed the ‘casual poor’ due to their irregularity of employment – have been generally portrayed as entirely apolitical, and to have exhibited purely mob responses to the issues of the day. This article suggests that we have not properly understood or ‘read’ the evidence we have of the attitudes towards politics of these people, and that we have assessed their actions purely within the framework of our own understandings. In particular, their views about Chartism, the major working-class political movement of the period, have been a key to how they have been perceived. But our understanding of these views has been distorted by what appeared to be their lack of knowledge of the ‘real’ aims of the movement. Instead, if we look at other types of evidence, such as from the theatre, we can find clues as to how their understandings of such conflicts may simply have been different, and so be able to explain in much more rational terms the actions and beliefs of this historically inarticulate group.     

Conceptualising the politics of social protection expansion in low income countries: The intersection of transnational ideas and domestic politics

The growing literature on social protection in low income developing countries has tended to focus on definitional debates, policy design and impact evaluations, with relatively little consideration of the ways in which politics shape policy. This article argues that politics needs to be at the centre of efforts to understand social protection and outlines a new conceptual framework for investigating this, with a particular focus on explaining the variation in progress made by low income countries in adopting and implementing social protection. We propose that an adapted ‘political settlements’ framework that incorporates insights from the literatures on welfare state development – notably ‘power constellations’ theory, discursive institutionalism and global policy networks – can help frame political commitment to social protection as flowing from the interaction of domestic political economy and transnational ideas. Importantly, this approach situates social protection within a broader political and policy context, and highlights the influence of underlying power relations at multiple levels.     

The role of Spain and the Spanish in the creation of Europe's transnational democratic political culture, 1840–70

During the mid-nineteenth century European radicals developed contacts, relationships and networks. They organized activities and plans and propagated discourses and projects that transcended national borders. This article explores this transnational dimension of European democracy by analysing the case of Spain from around 1840, when the first Spanish self-proclaimed democrats began to organize, to the 1870s, when a certain national withdrawal took place among European democratic activists. It examines the journeys and contacts made by Spanish democrats as well as the extensive coverage of leading European activists that was published in Spanish newspapers, and considers how these connections were perceived by Spanish democratic activists. It is argued that contacts and networks contributed to configure a European democratic transnational political culture characterized by interrelations, exchanges and processes of cross-fertilization, through which the feeling of belonging to a national democratic community co-existed with a strong link to a wider European democratic family. The speeches, manifestos and projects of activists of various origins affected and greatly influenced each other, as well as shaping their socio-political views and strategic options.     

“捆绑式发展”与“隐喻型政治”——对汶川地震灾区平坝羌寨的案例研究

笔者对汶川地震灾区平坝羌寨旅游开发与重建过程进行实地考察,把由政府主导“现代化工程”的社会发展样式称为“捆绑式发展”。在这种发展模式的运作过程中,当地社会发生了一系列权力与话语博弈事件,国家主流意识形态中的“发展话语”被村民巧妙地操作化运用,演绎出某种较新的草根政治“版本”,这种现象本文称之为“隐喻型政治”。“捆绑式发展”与“隐喻型政治”之间存在诸多值得关注的联系,透过这种联系,可以从某个视角窥探到中国基层政治形态的一些微妙演化和值得关注的新动向。