Retrenchment, Expansion and the Transformation of Mexican Social Protection Policies

Social protection policies in Mexico have been transformed since 1988 through partial retrenchment of social insurance and significant expansion of targeted or means-tested social assistance. These changes reflect a substantial redefinition of social protection through incremental changes in policy. The changes reflect the abandonment of the goal of developing an employment-based, universal welfare regime, which had been pursued by Mexican governments as late as the 1970s. Instead, recent administrations have moved towards the redefinition of Mexico's welfare regime into a residual, means-tested model with significant private provision of benefits and services. This shift in social protection is consistent with the change in Mexico's overall economic development strategy and increasing political competition in the process of democratization.     

Taiwanese Housing Policy Shifting the Focus of Housing Policy under a Democratic Regime

In Taiwan, home ownership has been seen as a privilege of military and civil officers since the R.O.C. government moved to Taiwan in 1949. Taiwan has become a more democratic regime since martial law was repealed in 1987 and presidential election by popular votes was initiated in 1996. Using documentary data, this paper aims to relate the transition in housing policy to Taiwan's political transition from authoritarianism to democracy. We found that after the lifting of martial law, a growing number of social movements were triggered in response to political democratization. Since then, concerns and debates have started on how to revise the housing legislation to promote the welfare and social inclusion of vulnerable groups. A new housing policy that was influenced by the advocacy efforts of an action group was developed in May 2005 to meet social needs and achieve social equity.     

Divergence in the development of public health insurance in Japan and the Republic of Korea: A multiple‐payer versus a single‐payer system

Japan and the Republic of Korea achieved universal health insurance coverage for their populations in 1961 and 1989, respectively. At present, Japan continues to operate a multiple‐payer social health insurance system, while the Republic of Korea has moved to an integrated single‐payer national health insurance structure. This article analyzes the influence of political economy in shaping the policy divergence found between these two Bismarckian health insurance systems. Issues addressed include differences in political power, the policy influence of business, the extent to which regional autonomy has developed and regional traits have been preserved, the level of political democratization, the form of political leadership, and the scale of development of the health insurance system. The article offers policy lessons derived from the two countries' experiences.     

Linkage leverage democratization and liberalization: is promoting democracy the same as promoting human rights?

Research on transnational human rights promotion and democratization often assumes that human rights promotion and democratization promotion are the same. But evidences from recent studies give reasons to question this assumption. This article compares the EU’s influence on democratization and human rights reforms in 29 countries in East-Europe West-Asia, the Middle East, and North-Africa. The results indicate that the impact of the EU on human rights protection is more notable than its impact on democracy levels. The article explains these results based on the lower level of threat to regime survival as a result of human rights reform, compared to democratization; the transmission of a clear message regarding the importance of the issue of human rights to the EU and to the member states; and the strong economic leverage the EU possess. The article draws policy implications including matching each policy goal with the most effective instruments to achieve it. The most effective human rights promotion instrument is economic pressure whereas democratization is more influenced by emulation processes than by economic pressure.     

The dynamics of economic globalization and political development on the welfare state in South Korea

The Korean welfare system has grown over the past 40 years from a limited and selective developmental system into a relatively comprehensive universal system. What explains this dynamic is the interplay between South Korea's global economic integration and its political transition from authoritarian rule to democratic governance. While the corporatist consensus under the authoritarian government limited social welfare to an instrument to promote economic growth and industrialization, the social democratic corporatist consensus under economic globalization has enabled the democratic regime to introduce a relatively universal welfare system.     

中华帝国治理的“不可能三角”与治乱周期:从“风险论”出发

本文由曹正汉提出的“风险论”出发，以威权政体政权存续的理论视角，探究中国治乱周期与统治者风险治理策略之间的关系，以及在治乱之间，统治者透过何种机制调节动态平衡以维系政权，又为何调节风险平衡机制在某些时候能奏效在另一时点上却失灵。藉由历史制度主义的时序分析，本文提出风险治理的“不可能三角”，以解释治乱周期的波动，并发现风险调节机制之所以越到朝代后期越难奏效，肇因于开朝初期统治者为防制政变风险所采取的政治吸纳策略。这些策略随着时间演化及一连串反应序列后，破坏了统治者用来防治民变及外患风险的机制，并进一步弱化了国家的基础权力，导致国家能力下降，风险平衡机制失灵，从而陷入统治危机。     

Democracy Out of Anarchy: The Prospects for Post‐Civil‐War Democracy*

Objective. This study explores the effects of civil war outcome on post‐civil‐war democratization. We employ an expected utility model to argue that the attributes of the civil war that lead to balanced power relations between the warring parties lead to higher levels of postconflict democracy. Methods. We estimate a series of OLS regression models with change in the level of democracy (from the prewar level to five and ten years after the conflict ended) as the dependent variable. Results. Civil wars that end in negotiated settlements are more likely to experience higher levels of democratization than civil wars that end in military victory by either side. Identity‐based conflicts lead to lower levels of democratization while previous democratic experience seems to decrease post‐civil‐war democratization. We find no support for the argument that high war costs and U.N. peace‐keeping forces produce higher levels of democracy. Conclusions. Civil war may lead to more inclusive polities if it serves to even the balance of power between contending groups in the nation. Power balance is more likely to bring about more democratic polities, especially where power sharing is formalized in a negotiated settlement.     

＂Democratization＂ of judicial interpretation and the Supreme Court＇s political function

最高人民法院发布新的关于司法解释工作的规定,明文确立了“公民动议司法解释立项”和“公开征求意见”的机制,从而在“民主化”的话语描述下,为其履行通过解释发展法律的政治功能建构了“表面上的民主合法性”,也使其能够在进行中国式司法解释（尤其是抽象司法解释）过程中广泛吸纳信息或知识。然而,“民主化”动向也给人留下最高人民法院无限贴近民意的印象,由此制造了使其很难在必要时进行独立、明智判断的困境。最高人民法院进行司法解释,需要在顺应民意和距离民意之间寻找适当的平衡,为此,不应再采取任何进一步“民主化”的措施。在有限范围内保留抽象司法解释,努力改革具体司法解释的内容、形式和相关制度,扩大具体司法解释适用的情形,让两种解释模式共存和竞争,以待未来的发展和选择,应是当前可取的策略。     

Elites,Oil, and Democratization: A Survival Analysis*

Objective. This study explores the relationship between natural resource wealth, most notably oil, and democratic survival. I contend that natural resources help sustain democratic regimes by easing social conflict between the rich and the poor. As such, the availability of abundant natural resource revenues alleviates the elites' fear of redistribution of wealth, thereby stabilizing the regime. Methods. I estimate a series of survival analyses for the period between 1960 and 1999. Results. Elite support and oil wealth independently help stabilize democracies. Conclusions. The results bring the widely held views on the link between oil and democracy into question and invite further scrutiny.     

Aiming to keep poor Mexican families at the breadline (but no higher): The effects of minimum wage,tax, and social policy changes between 1994 and 2012

Welfare policy in Mexico has been transformed in recent decades. During the years of the import‐substitution industrialization economic strategy and the hegemonic party political regime, social policy was based on social insurance programs of limited coverage to urban formal sector workers and their families. In the mid‐1990s, an unprecedented expansion of social protection through social assistance programs was triggered, along with social insurance reform. This article assesses the effects at the household level of social policy changes, in combination with changes in taxes and the minimum wage, which also impact the welfare of the population. The research applies “model families” to establish effects of social, tax, and minimum wage policy changes across population groups, and their combined potential to combat poverty. Findings show that although taxation and social policy changes increased redistribution towards poor families, their capacity to lift and keep them above poverty thresholds was limited by the drop in the real value of the minimum wage and by strict targeting mechanisms, which exclude families that do not meet eligibility criteria but still fall below poverty lines. Social policy expansion merely subsidized the drop in real minimum wage, and poor families at best remained at similar income levels. Hence, the logic of the design of welfare policy changes can be characterized as aiming to keep poor families on the breadline, but no higher.     

The Development of State Welfare in the Asian NICs with Special Reference to Taiwan

This paper explores Taiwan's welfare development from its specific politico-economic situation. Although education and public health are well developed in Taiwan and social insurance is expanding to cover more and more Taiwanese people, the govenmental welfare effort is still too low to meet the welfare needs of the public. This is especially so given our discovery that military servicemen and related groups receive over 70% of the welfare expenditure of the central government while the disadvantaged receive only around 3%. Furthermore, political crises are often accompanied by a significant growth in social expenditure, implying that the purpose of state welfare is to maintain the stability of the Taiwanese state rather than to protect the well-being of Taiwanese people. Political isolation forces the Kuomintang (KMT) to secure Taiwan's role in the international community via economic growth. The development of state welfare cannot be allowed to have a negative effect on this highest priority. The limited resources, therefore, are allocated to economic goals as well as to the KMT–state apparatus in order to keep the KMT in power. However, the democratization of Taiwanese politics since the 1980s has forced the KMT to consolidate its legitimacy from the people and the improvement of social welfare is one measure for this purpose. Whether or not Taiwan becomes a Western-style welfare state through the expansion of state welfare in the near future, it furnishes a useful example with which to examine existing welfare theories.     

Prisoner Disenfranchisement Policy: A Threat to Democracy?

The right to vote is one of the fundamental principles of democracy. However, full suffrage of the adult population has not been realized in many present-day democracies. Internationally, millions of prisoners (and ex-offenders in some nations) are disenfranchised. Being excluded from the civic process is a threat to democracy. In this article, I argue that removing a prisoner's right to vote can lead to inequality and injustice that is counter to democratic ideals. By contrast, enfranchisement of prisoners can promote their rehabilitation and social reintegration, and can have a real impact on the political climate of a nation. I also discuss the arguments for and against prisoner disenfranchisement, explore public opinion on this issue, and track recent legislative changes to disenfranchisement policy internationally. Areas for future psychological inquiry are highlighted.     

From the manifestations of culture to the underlying sensemaking process. The contribution of semiotic cultural psychology theory to the interpretation of socio-political scenario

Several explanations of the current syndrome affecting advanced democracies make reference to a process of cultural change that has been triggered by the complex and interrelated phenomena known as globalization. The rise of populist-authoritarian parties, the advent of post-truth politics and the increasing dissatisfaction with democracy are seen by many political scientists as rather direct consequences of social and economic transformations which had changed the context in which the democratic process takes place. The main limitation of this literature is that it treats culture as a black box receiving inputs from the social context and translate them into political consequences. By doing so it cannot explain why the same conditions produce different consequences in different contexts and it is silent on the criteria to develop anti-crisis policies. This article argues that some of the insights offered by the Semiotic Cultural Psychology Theory, most notably the idea that cultural evolution is moved by the need to find affect-laden, simplified interpretations of the reality to restore the capacity of making sense on an uncertain socio-political context, can enhance the ability of political scientists to understand the current political phenomena and to develop methodological criteria to counteract the current scenario of democratic crisis.     

The Swiss social insurance system: Social security and grass‐roots democracy

The foundations of Switzerland's social insurance system can be traced to 1890 when a public referendum voted the inclusion of an article into the Federal Constitution that gave the executive the task of creating a sickness and accident insurance scheme. Currently, as in other European countries, the Swiss social insurance system is facing challenges as a result of rising health costs and demographic shifts, which are placing a growing burden on both public finances and private households. To reach policy decisions to address these challenges, the Swiss system is distinguishable from those of its European neighbours because of a continuing tradition of political decision‐making based on grass‐roots democracy: through referenda, the Swiss people remain directly responsible for the development of the national social insurance system. Importantly, not only might this unique feature of Swiss democracy lead the Swiss people more readily to accept and identify with their social insurance system but it may offer a sound democratic base upon which to build a consensual approach to address the policy challenges that lie ahead.     

新中国建立前中国共产党的法律探索

新中国建立以前,在新民主主义时期,中国共产党不断地进行着法律实践,形成了一系列法律思想人民在政治法律上的地位一律平等;法律应体现阶级性和人性的统一;实行新民主主义宪政;废除伪宪法、伪法统;正确处理党与法、民主与法律的关系;等等.这些法律探索为新中国法制建设积累了经验、奠定了基础.     

“把革命带回来”:社会学新视野的拓展

本文在韦伯和陈寅恪等人的启发下,提出了关于中国革命的社会学研究的问题意识、分析框架和基本方法,试图将“革命”这个社会学的经典母题重新带回到中国社会学界,以此拓展社会学研究的新视野。这种新的研究路数尝试围绕阶级路线、民主集中制和群众路线等重点,在借鉴实证史学资料收集法的基础上,运用“社会学的想象力”和事件社会学的方式来深入理解中国共产党在革命时期建立起来的独特的政治文化及其所产生的复杂而深远的历史效果。     

Does Social Capital Make You Generous?*

Objectives. This article tests the hypothesis that social capital—measured in terms of civic group involvement, social and racial trust, and political engagement—leads to charitable behavior by individuals. Methods. I introduce measures of the “social capital elasticity of giving,” which facilitate comparisons between the effects on charity of different social capital types. Using data from the 2000 Social Capital Community Benchmark Survey, I estimate these elasticities with tobit regression models. Results. I find strong links between changes in social capital stocks and changes in giving levels. Furthermore, I find that different social capital types have differing levels of impact on giving. Conclusions. Charitable giving appears to be a beneficial consequence of some types of social capital.     

Mutual workers'insurance: A historical outline

This article focuses on the historical development of small workers'mutual insurance societies whose members manage the fund themselves. The article begins by describing the remarkable similarities in terms of characteristics and development of these societies in different places and periods. It then discusses various non-directly democratic competitors in the field of social insurance and forms of State intervention. Finally, the article attempts to explain why competition from the private sector and State interventions forced directly democratic societies to choose between bureaucratization, marginalization and disbandment.     

Social policy in sub-Saharan Africa: a glance in the rear-view mirror

In this article we take a retrospective look at social policy in post-colonial sub-Saharan Africa and account for two distinct phases. The first phase, from 1960 to 1980, is the nationalist phase; the second, framed by the neoliberal policy regime, marked the last two decades of the 20th century. We argue that social policy in the nationalist phase played a transformative role – intrinsic and instrumental. Investment in education and healthcare, rather than social protection, was the key policy instrument. The weaknesses of the period included a growing authoritarianism and failure to transform the inherited colonial political economies. The retrenchment of the public realm under the neoliberal regime led to massive entitlement failure, and the crisis of citizenship and statehood. We argue for a return to a broader vision of social policy, underpinned by the ethos of democratic and socially inclusive development.