2014年中国民族法学研究述评

2014年的民族法学研究继续呈现繁荣的面貌。在研究内容上有以下特点：一是内容较为全面,各方面研究较为均衡。其中,民族法治评估、民族经济权利、民族区域自治权、民族教育立法、民族司法是本年度重要话题。二是紧扣时事热点。学者们结合?自治法?颁布三十周年、党的十八大、十八届三中全会,对民族法治建设、民族地区治理能力现代化、民族区域自治的完善、民族地区社会稳定与司法建设等问题进行了研究。三是研究内容更加细化。在研究方法上有以下特点：一是注重实证研究,对单个民族地区、具体民族法治问题的调查研究增多;二是研究视角多元,重视研究的深度与广度,重视其他学科理论与国外理论的运用。     

民族地区社会治理中政府作用的县域视角分析——基于大理市的研究

加强和创新社会治理是解决少数民族与民族地区经济社会"经济与社会"发展失衡伴生诸多社会问题,推动民族地区社会和谐发展的重要路经,是民族地区地方政府的基本职能之一。民族地区社会治理既需政策和制度的保障和规范,又需要民族地区地方政府在社会治理中结合区域实际"因地制宜、因事施策",充分发挥作用,创新性实践。从县域视角对大理市社会治理中政府"平安建设、法治建设、社会治理格局、社会服务管理创新"等条块工作实践加以分析,既能拓宽民族地区社会治理的分析视角,也能为民族地区地方政府履行社会治理职能提供现实依据。     

论邓小平民族区域自治的实践与思想

邓小平在民族区域自治制度方面的实践和论述,充分说明他是这个制度的积极实践者和权威阐释者。对此,文章回顾了邓小平民族区域自治实践的过程,并认为他的民族区域自治思想的主要内容有：（一）民族区域自治是我国的一项基本政治制度;（二）民族区域自治的关键是发展问题;（三）民族区域自治遵循的几大原则;（四）要实行真正的民族区域自治;（五）民族自治地方不能完全照搬汉族地区的政策;（六）培养德才兼备的少数民族干部是民族区域自治建设的重要内容;（七）坚持和完善民族区域自治制度。他的这些思想继承和丰富了马列主义、毛泽东思想的民族理论,同时又是邓小平民族理论的重要组成部分。邓小平的民族区域自治思想将继续指导我国民族区域自治工作,并推进我国的民族区域自治制度建设,使之更趋完善。     

民族地区基层社会管理创新的实践与思考——以湖北省恩施市舞阳坝街道为例

加强和创新社会管理是民族地区稳定发展的重要保证。文章以湖北省恩施土家族苗族自治州恩施市舞阳坝街道为例,介绍了该处以小区和社会管理信息系统建设为突破点,创新民族地区基层社会管理的做法,并由此出发对民族地区社会管理创新的基础、政府主导与社区自治的关系、社会管理与社会服务的关系、社会管理人才队伍建设和群众的参与度等制约民族地区创新社会管理的关键问题进行了讨论。     

民族自治地方服务型政府内涵及建设

民族自治地方服务型政府建设是民族区域自治制度功能的重要体现,要求实现民族区域自治执行主体角色的转换,转变民族自治地方政府职能,提升民族自治地方政府能力,转变民族自治地方政府管理模式,建设"规制-服务型"地方政府.制度供给和财力保障是民族自治地方服务型政府建设的两个关键变量.在现阶段财力有限的情况下,遵循基本公共服务大体均等原则的指导,建设"项目导向型"政府,实行基本公共物品的项目式供给,是民族自治地方服务型政府建设的可行途径.     

吴楚克、徐芳、朱金春的《中国蒙古族朝鲜族民族发展与认同研究》出版

中华人民共和国成立以来,中国在少数民族地区实行的民族区域自治制度是一项创造,作为中国基本政治制度之一,经过半个多世纪的实践,获得不断地发展和完善。改革开放以来,民族区域自治制度也在建设中国特色社会主义的历史进程中不断完善。特别是经历了西藏"3.14事件"和新疆"7.5事件"后,更加感觉到内蒙古自治区和吉林延边朝鲜自治州民族团结历史和经验的可贵,需要专家学者从理论上总结和提高蒙古族、朝鲜族在民族区域自治历史进程中国家认同和民族认同的实践经验,为解     

试论自治机关的建设与自治权的行使

民族区域自治,是中国共产党把马列主义民族理论与中国民族和民族问题的实际相结合,解决我国国内民族问题的基本政策,是我国的一项重要的政治制度,也是具有中国特色的解决中国民族问题的基本形式。我国实行民族区域自治的几十年的实践证明,它在最大限度地满足各少数民族平等自治、自主管理本民族、本地区的内部事务的要求方面起到了重要的作用,在加强我国各民族之间的团结,改善民族关系,巩固国防,促进少数民族地区的经济文化建设和社会发展方面,也起到了重要的作用。在社会主义建设的新时期,特别是在改革、     

民族区域自治政策在延边的成功实践

民族区域自治是中国共产党运用马克思列宁主义解决中国民族问题的基本政策,是国家的一项重要政治制度。延边朝鲜族自治州是我国最早实行民族区域自治的地方之一。民族区域自治的实行,极大地调动了全州各族人民的积极性,为地区建设发展注入了强大的动力和活力。50多年来,     

邓小平论民族区域自治

本文阐述了邓小平同志关于民族区域自治的理论。邓小平民族理论的核心思想，是民族平等、民族团结和各民族共同繁荣。民族区域自治是民族平等团结思想的政策体现和政策保障。他要求全党要真正体现民族平等，真正实行民族区域自治。“观察少数民族地区，主要是看那个地区能不能发展起来”，“实行民族区域自治，不把经济搞好，那个自治就是空的”。他关于民族区域自治的精辟论述指明了我们党民族政策的基本原则和根本目标，体现了社会主义的本质要求。在改革开放的新时期，我们要以邓小平有中国特色的民族理论为指导，坚持和完善民族区域自治，加快民族自治地方经济发展，努力缩小东西部地区经济发展差距，实现各民族共同繁荣     

现代法治论

现代意义上的法治包含着法律至上、权力制约、权利保障和司法独立等基本理念,强调法律在实现社会治理和国家管理中的权威性,要求依据法律原则处理国家的各项事业,使法律成为国家政治、经济和社会生活的基本准则。市场经济和民主政治是建设法治国家的两个必不可少的前提条件,而守法,尤其是官员守法则是实现法治的关键。     

Recycling the idea of race: socio-political agenda,transnational business culture,and diversity management in Brazil

ABSTRACT

This article intends to contribute to the line of studies that critically addresses diversity management, bringing the Brazilian experience into the discussion. It aims to demonstrate how large Brazilian companies and transnational corporations operating in the country have been recycling the idea of race in order to cope with the greatest politicisation of debates on the racial issue within the Brazilian public sphere since the late twentieth century. This phenomenon is related to changes in the political actions of the black movement in Brazil, which since the same period has been absorbing the new socio-political agenda existing within the global network of anti-racism advocacy. This is an agenda in which two purposes have a central importance: the battle against racial inequality and the demand for affirmative action policies. The data presented in this paper are part of broader research in which, by means of the biographical method and the ethnographic fieldwork, the social trajectories and career paths of two generations of Brazilian black executives were analysed.     

中国民族间发展的多重差异格局与差别化、协同性政策开发研究——论中国民族关系的新形态与民族政策的新体系

After 60 years of implementation, the ethnic regional autonomous policy has provided basic political support for promoting the common development and prosperity of all ethnic groups. Especially since the period of “Reform and Open-ing Up” began, the national preferential policies and support for ethnic minority areas gradually in-creased, and economic and social development in the ethnic minority areas clearly speeded up. Ac-cording to official statistics, after more than 30 years of “Reform and Opening Up”, the economic growth rate of China’s ethnic minority areas is high-er than the national average. However, at the same time , the economic and social development gap be-tween different ethnic groups has become more and more pronounced. The development of the ethnic groups has created a structure of multiple dispari-ties, which fundamentally restricts ethnic unity, as well as political and social stability in ethnic areas of China. This structure of multiple disparities re-flects the imbalances mainly in four aspects: 1 ) the ongoing large gap between the ethnic minority areas and Han Chinese regions remains; 2 ) the unequal economic and social development among the various ethnic minority people has expanded;3 ) the economic gap within the same ethnic minor-ity autonomous region has gradually become more pronounced;and, 4 ) the differences in develop-ment within the same ethnic group who live in vari-ous regions of China are also very obvious. The multiple inequalities of the economic and social development of China’s ethnic groups add more complexity to the ethnic problems of China. The disparity in economic and social development between different ethnic groups is not only an eco-nomic problem, but is also a significant political issue. Hence, promoting a balanced economic and social development among the various ethnic groups has a very obvious practical significance for main-taining ethnic unity, promoting national integra-tion, and maintaining national stability . Based on the discussion above, this article mainly explores which kind of ethnic policy can ef-fectively resolve the multiple disparities found with-in ethnic development and is beneficial for promo-ting the integration of the various ethnic groups in China? On the basis of summarizing and reviewing approaches found in earlier research, the author puts forward the following core ideas:1 ) The economic and social development differences of various ethnic groups have formed a pattern of multiple disparities in China, and it is no longer simply a gap between the Han and ethnic minorities. Since the implementation of the “Re-form and Opening Up” policy, the differentiation or disparity between China’s ethnic minorities has become more and more pronounced—this phenom-enon constitutes a new challenge to China’s ethnic unity and national unification. Therefore, we must adjust ethnic policy in order to solve the “true problem” or “new problem” concerning China’s ethnic problem. 2 ) The multi-faceted disparities found in the economic and social development among China’s ethnic minorities result from many factors, inclu-ding institutional, policy, historical, geographical, cultural, and psychological. Therefore, we must realize a diversity of ethnic policy, and build a comprehensive ethnic policy system. 3 ) For the purpose of realizing the integration and state construction of the ethnic groups, in ad-dition to implementing the current policy of differ-entiation, we must also ensure a “four balanced and coordinated development”. This includes a balance between the Han areas and ethnic minority areas, a balance among the various ethnic minori-ties themselves, a balance within the same ethnic minority areas, and a balance within the same eth-nic group who live in different areas. This requires the central government to strengthen a double dif-ferentiation and collaborative orientation of ethnic policies concerning the market, labor, resources, technology, and capital.     

‘God,patria and home’: ‘Reproductive politics’ and nationalist (Re)definitions of women in East/Central Europe

Abstract

I argue that through complex processes of social construction of gender, women in East/Central European societies are seen primarily as reproducers of the nation. One effect of such definitions is the enforcement of reproductive policies which amount to the nationalization of female bodies.

After a brief assessment of reproductive policies during the state‐socialist period, an overview of the contemporary debate within the post‐communist universe of discourse, and of the policies enacted by the new East/Central European regimes, I argue that within the framework of the emerging masculinist cultures in East/Central Europe, masculinity becomes increasingly identified with the public domain; in contrast, women are progressively confined within the ‘private’ sphere, identified with holding the primary responsibility for the family. Definitions of femininity along these lines have been influenced by the emergence of a particular form of ‘reproductive politics’ supported by post‐state‐socialist movements stressing the right of the nation to mobilize all of its resources, and thus, to subjugate women for the ‘national good’.     

Reconstructing the future: Du Bois,racial pedagogy and the post-civil rights era

This essay addresses the legacy of W.E.B. Du Bois, as both scholar and activist, at a time when the university's civic mission is imperiled by corporatisation and racial backlash, access to its resources are increasingly predicated on whiteness and wealth, and the greater public good is financially and spiritually starved with every advance of American empire abroad. Focusing on Black Reconstruction, it elaborates in particular on the pedagogical implications of Du Bois's reading of the post-Reconstruction era for progressives caught in the contradictions of the current post-Civil Rights era. Drawing on Du Bois's insistence that education (both formal and informal) is central to the functioning of a nonrepressive and inclusive polity, the essay reflects on the current crisis of black educational access to quality schooling at all levels, as well as the relentless attacks on more public sites of pedagogy, within the context of neoliberal social and economic policies as well as the racist backlash against the civil rights gains of the 1960s. It addresses the degree to which engaged dialogue about the history and politics of racialised exclusion in the US and globally in the university have been derailed by the dictates of a particularly limp version of liberal multiculturalism and its allegiance to the privatised discourses of identity and difference. In so doing, it explores the role that educators might play in linking rigorous scholarship and critical pedagogy to progressive struggles for securing the very conditions for racial justice and political democracy.     

Contested control at the margins of the state

ABSTRACT

While the fact that the implementation of migration policies fails to perfectly manage migration is well known, the actual dynamics of policy implementation have received little attention to date. A serious engagement with this phenomenon requires a move beyond policy texts and political intentions, and towards a ‘migration regime’ perspective that pays attention to the inherent contradictions, conflicts of interest and competing logics within migration control practices. This collection posits a multi-actor perspective that includes state agents, migrants and non-state actors alike and proposes three key factors that require a closer examination: competing institutional logics, discretionary practices and migrants’ agency. Based on original empirical research, the contributions of this collection ‘zoom in’ on specific asymmetrical negotiations over the right to enter or remain in Europe, and focus on the institutional logics and interplay between the different actors involved.     

社交网络对民族关系的影响及对策

社交网络是当前很有人气的人际交往工具,已对民族关系产生了很大的影响,并滋生了利用其进行破坏民族关系的犯罪,应引起高度警惕。我们要根据社交网络的规律和特点,借鉴外国经验,加强网络管理,有效维护民族关系。     

Authenticity or skill-oriented individualism,neutrality or managerialism: diversity officers as modern public officials

ABSTRACT

Diversity has become a new buzzword in European cities. Newly introduced diversity policies have replaced previous multicultural policies with an approach that acknowledges difference in a more general sense. Drawing on in-depth fieldwork in diversity departments in Amsterdam, Antwerp and Leeds, this article investigates how the introduction of diversity policy impacted on the recruitment and the self-representations of public officials in newly created diversity departments. Despite a proclaimed move away from recognising minority-group specificities, many officials conceive their immigrant origin as a central element of their profiles. This continuation of a multicultural logic is interpreted as misunderstanding or resistance on the part of those meant to implement these policies, indicating agency of contemporary bureaucrats as well as creative space within bureaucracies. In order to place the shift from multicultural to diversity policy in the context of welfare state transformation and neoliberalism, I assess whether diversity officers endorse diversity policies in conjunction with New Public Management policies. However, I do not find an unequivocal promotion of both policies and my study thus does not confirm the common association of diversity policies with neoliberalism.     

从新疆剿匪斗争看中国共产党的民族政策

本文着重对 2 0世纪 5 0年代初期新疆剿匪斗争中我党的民族政策问题进行分析和研究。当时新疆的匪患主要是一些封建牧主、部落头人 ,他们胁迫许多不明真相的少数民族群众 ,利用宗教作为掩护 ,具有很强的蒙蔽性。人民解放军在剿匪斗争中 ,根据新疆匪患的特点 ,正确运用党的民族政策 ,使剿匪斗争取得了最后的胜利 ,并为党在新疆实行一系列社会改革打下了良好的基础     

Basque nationalism's changing discourse on the nation

The discourse on the nation is one of the theoretical cores of all expressions of nationalism, but varies in its elaboration from one to another and even within one particular form of nationalism by virtue of the identifying aspects that can be used in each case, and of historical and spatial context. The article analyses the example of Basque nationalism, which, through time, has developed two great official discourses and a third non-official one related to space. In effect, given that neither of the official discourses is entirely political and territorial, contradictions arise among nationalists (in the case of all of its trends) and, in particular, in certain areas not presenting the more or less primordial and objective characteristics. At the same time, a second, more subjective, discourse, one that is extendable to all nationalists and reaffirms them in their national identity, has developed in order to overcome these contradictions.     

On the Erasure of race in control culture discourse: a case study of Trayvon Martin’s role in the Black Lives Matter movement

ABSTRACT

In this paper, we analyze an emergent cultural clash between: (a) how media outlets and other control culture institutions have portrayed events related to Black Lives Matter, and (b) the complex reality of Black Lives Matter movements as they have developed through embodied, intersectional, and always socially situated forms of direct collective action. In focusing specifically on American mainstream media coverage of the killing of Trayvon Martin, we argue that, given the history of white supremacy in America, such journalistic accounts generally fail to provide an adequate socio-historical context for emergent social movements in the vein of Black Lives Matter. In framing such movements, at worst, as anti-American terrorist organizations, though more regularly as social constellations of misplaced anger, American control culture institutions have consistently reinforced a certain set of logical contradictions found across broader discussions about race throughout the history of America. Finally, drawing on the theory of play proposed by Gregory Bateson, we outline how a form of subverting mainstream journalistic framing techniques is enacted and embodied creativity through the communally oriented tactics successfully deployed by social movements like Black Lives Matter.