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1.
唐代吐蕃的宰相制度,是吐蕃官制中最具变化和代表性,且影响吐蕃王朝最深者。吐蕃王朝的宰相制度,历经四变:其一为独相制;其二为众相制;其三为僧相制;其四为回复众相制。其中众相制的推动与实施,对吐蕃王朝影响极其深远,包括确保了悉补野氏政权的祚命,稳定了当时吐蕃的政局,阻绝了臣下太阿倒持的现象,赞普重新站上了国家最高领导者的位置,也使得赞普王室手中多了操控吐蕃政治与吐蕃氏族生态的利器。文章以敦煌古藏文卷子《吐蕃大事纪年》及吐蕃碑刻铭文为主要史料,勾勒出吐蕃众相制的部分轮廓,并对其内涵进行了分析,包括众相的官衔、员额、任期、职权以及众相是为大论的候补人选等,认为吐蕃成功地师法唐朝的众相体制,且深得众相制的精髓,再次证明了唐蕃文化关系的密切程度。  相似文献   

2.
据《敦煌本吐蕃历史文书》记载,松赞干布建立吐蕃王朝之前的青藏高原分布着众多的“小邦之王”,其后逐渐被吐蕃征服,演变成为地方实体政权,到吐蕃王朝中后期仅存吐谷浑、工布、娘布三个.本文检索汉唐文献,发现吐蕃小王制深受汉唐之间西北诸族小王制的影响,据此可以看出吐蕃与西北民族在制度文明方面的相互交流与影响.  相似文献   

3.
杨健吾 《中国藏学》2006,(2):291-292
西藏政教合一制度的研究是学术界和有关部门长期关注和研究的重点之一,具有重要的现实意义和深远的历史意义。但长期以来学术界关注的视野和研究的范围主要局限于13世纪之后的有关情况,对这一制度在吐蕃时期的状态虽多有学者涉猎并有相关的成果问世,但对其在吐蕃时期产生、发展与演变的历史深入探讨甚少,更无系统的研究成果问世。石硕教授长期致力于藏学研究,历经数年潜心钻研、写作的《吐蕃政教关系史》,填补了藏学研究的这一空白。笔者拜读后认为,此书主要的贡献是:  相似文献   

4.
吐蕃节度使制度是吐蕃王朝在军事发展进程中设置于占领区的军事建制。其中,中节度是吐蕃王朝针对西洱河地区诸蛮部落的军事战略而部署的军事单位,有独立的军事建制体系和攻防区域。以传世汉藏文史籍、碑铭及敦煌文献为依据,通过对吐蕃在西川、西洱河地区军事战略部署的分析,可以看出中节度的形成可追溯到吐蕃部落制时期对外军事部署形式中的三大勇部;管辖区域随着吐蕃与当地诸部关系的变化而有所伸缩;由于吐蕃对西洱河地区攻略中军事地理交通的特殊性,吐蕃中节度亦被称作铁桥节度。  相似文献   

5.
本文从考证唐代吐蕃中央与边疆重要职官制度出发,通过对现存汉藏文献、史料、碑铭的校对,以及当代国际藏学相关研究成果的详细分析,"尚论掣逋突瞿"的源起、变迁、影响、结果与其代表的历史意义进行考释.本研究具体展现吐蕃相制在有唐一代的架构,提出有力史实修正了<新唐书·吐蕃传>及中国大陆、日本学者的部分观点,并以土著观点重新检视中原史官在边疆史取材、编纂时可能有的时空史观偏颇与限制.  相似文献   

6.
格子藏文碑是滇西北地区近年来发现的吐蕃时代重要碑刻。分析此碑碑文 ,可以认为吐蕃王朝在滇西北地区及磨些部落中施行了告身制度。碑文记载还证实了吐蕃告身制度确有加赐告身的规定  相似文献   

7.
政治制度的研究一直是吐蕃史研究的焦点之一,随着藏学研究的深入和发展,吐蕃行政制度和军事建制研究取得了令人可喜的成果。学术界着力对《唐蕃会盟碑》,《两唐书·<吐蕃传>》,敦煌古藏文写卷P.T.1087、1286,以及《贤者喜宴》等一系列反映吐蕃时期及敦煌统治区内政治、军事建制的可靠材料进行了认真的研究和考证,涌  相似文献   

8.
吐蕃驿传制度新探   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
吐蕃王朝模仿唐朝驿传制度建立了较为完备的驿传体系.吐蕃驿传制度的馆驿设置、信使田的配给、公文盖印、对馆驿人员和信使的监督管理,烽火通信及驿券的使用都可以看到和唐制有着相似之处.另外吐蕃驿传制度也存在自身特色,驿传系统归属军队管辖,人员设置和划分受"桂"(rgod)、"庸"(g·yung)制度的影响,从民间征集驿传工具,以铁箭、银(白铁)鹘为传符,都具有浓厚的吐蕃色彩.吐蕃对河陇、西域驿路的经营,使8-11世纪都州、廓州、凉州、甘州、肃州、瓜州、沙州、鄯善、于阗之间的联系交流大为加强,吐蕃驿传制度对后世西夏和元朝西藏地区的驿传制度也都产生了重要影响.  相似文献   

9.
关于吐蕃告身制度的几个问题   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
陆离  陆庆夫 《民族研究》2006,7(3):94-102
本文运用敦煌汉、藏文文书和传世史籍对吐蕃告身制度进行探讨,认为吐蕃告身制度是吐蕃王朝在其自身传统做法的基础上,对唐朝官员的服饰制度和告身制度进行借鉴模仿而成。吐蕃给平民百姓授予木质写有文字的告身khram,用以辨别身份、区分贵贱。在敦煌汉文文书中,khram被称为牌子。另外,吐蕃王朝还授予中下级官员大藏(gtsangchen)、果藏(sgogtsang)之位,这两种职位也是告身,它们与藏族传世史籍记载吐蕃授予作战勇士的铁文字告身相类似,有可能就是铁文字(lcagsyig)告身。  相似文献   

10.
后弘期西藏的政教合一制度   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
西藏政教合一制度的发展有一个雏形、定型、完备、衰亡的过程,就其形成而言,后弘期时西藏政教合一制处于雏形阶段,出现了家族式和教派式两大政教合一制类型。这一时期西藏政教合一制的形成,主要是各割据政权纷立及藏传佛教各教派兴起这两大因素的必然结果。当然,其间也有着吐蕃王朝时期僧人预政制的影响。  相似文献   

11.
Abstract

Since its birth ninety years ago Tel Aviv has been a leading symbol ofthe Zionist, and subsequently, Israeli claim to be a modem, progressive, and essentially ‘Western’ nation. The power of this image has obscured both the intimate connection between the modern(ist) architectural and town-planning discourses upon which its identity has been constructed and the exclusivism of Zionism as a nationalist movement, and the fact that the neighboring town ofJaffa, long considered Tel Aviv’s ancient and backward alter ego, was in fact developing along similar lines as the Jewish city until its conquest in 1948.  相似文献   

12.
ABSTRACT

This article discusses the EU's response to the recent Libyan ‘migration crisis’. The central Mediterranean migration route, via Libya, is now the principal route for mixed flows into the EU – primarily owing to the non-existence of a Libyan state to enforce migration controls in collaboration with the EU. The situation in Libya itself is dire, with extensive human rights violations committed against mostly African migrants. While the EU's efforts to curb migration from Libya through enhanced maritime patrol operations have been largely unsuccessful, the recent Italian–Libyan collaboration seems to have led to a significant reduction in the number of migrants departing from Libya's shores. In addition, the EU has also been enlisting transit countries further south – Niger, in particular – in its migration control efforts, with the provision of financial and other resources for capacity-building in migration management. Overall, the EU persists with buttressing its fortress, continues to push for the external hosting of refugee populations within the region and intensifies its collaboration with countries with a dismal track record in terms of respecting the rights of migrants and refugees.  相似文献   

13.
Since the ending of the Second World War and the establishment of the United Nations, the international concept of racism, first initialised in the 1930s, has been inscribed in an unacknowledged conceptual double bind. Western political culture has inherited a hegemonic concept of racism that foregrounds those meanings associated with the anti‐fascist critiques of the Jewish Holocaust, while foreclosing subaltern anti‐colonial critiques centred on Western Imperialism. This can be taken to suggest a divergence within a western tradition of critical thought that in one of its guises occurs between the view that ‘‘race’ thinking’ resembles ideological exceptionality and the contrary view that ‘race relations’ approximates colonial conventions. The present essay explores the extent to which these views are constituted conceptually and dialogically in opposition and divergence. This is defined as racism's conceptual double bind. In other words, the international concept of racism is doubly bound into revealing its imprints in nationalism and concealing its anchorage in liberalism; or recognising extremist ideology while denying routine governmentality. The essay, therefore, asks the following: is it im/plausible to deny that there is an inescapable conceptual double bind between these differing conceptualisations of racism that has been ignored by the dominant social science traditions in the West? The idea of a double bind in the concept of racism, reiterated throughout this essay, is not to be confused with the proposition that there are two concepts of racism. On the contrary, during the twentieth‐century conceptualisation of racism, there have rather been two distinct orientations, the hegemonic Eurocentric and the subaltern De/colonial, based on conflicting yet dialogical paradigmatic experiences of the referent of racism.  相似文献   

14.
ABSTRACT

This article examines the discursive and political response to immigrant-generated diversity by Partido Nacionalista Vasco (PNV) in the Basque Country of Spain. A much-ballyhooed fact about PNV is that its founder, Sabino Arana, articulated a racist nationalist doctrine in the late nineteenth century. Alarm bells were raised in the early 2000s when the Basque Country became a destination for foreign immigrants arriving in Spain from Latin America and North Africa: do foreign immigrants pose a threat to Basque national identity? The PNV's answer to this question has been a clear ‘no’. Rather than distance itself from its past, however, party elites legitimate the inclusive and compassionate attitude towards foreign immigrants through selective discovery of the Basque national narrative. While sceptics of ideational variables are quick to suggest that nationalist elites manipulate the past to serve current purposes, this article suggests that such an interpretation does not do justice to the subtle ways in which symbols, myths, and images of the past have shaped the worldviews of PNV elites in the realm of immigration.  相似文献   

15.
藏族以能歌善舞著称。藏族民间舞蹈历史久远、感情真挚、风格多样。我国,藏族因三大方言区,而形成了各自的舞蹈形式和个性特征。  相似文献   

16.
20世纪90年代中国大众文艺勃兴并在整个文坛占有重要的一席之地。大众文艺在中国的勃兴自有其特殊的原因,主要是:市民阶层的扩大,渴望表达本阶层的文化趣味,谋求本阶层的话语权利;文化空间的自由,政治意识形态在文艺领域隐性退场,对文艺的强制性约束力减弱;文学自身的变化,文学商品化在创作、出版、流通中凸现;大众传媒的发展,开掘和激发着作家潜在的市场价值并驱使他们改变书写策略,将目光投向大众。  相似文献   

17.
There has been a growing debate within the broad field of postcolonial scholarship which seeks to challenge both its territorial boundaries with the advent of globalization and its limitations when applied to the realm of white-settler societies. The debate has been extremely fruitful in situating emerging scholarship that seeks to extend postcoloniality, its theoretical framing, and the internal processes of social categorization for peoples caught within the nation-state's territorial sphere. Unfortunately, disability and indigeneity remain largely absent from these fresh debates; or when included, are explored as singular fields of analytical inquiry with little intersectional dialogue. With this paper, I aim to extend these nascent debates by critically engaging with both disability and indigeneity as two interlocking sites of (post)colonial nation-state power. To explicate this argument, my analysis focuses on a key historical moment in the Australian experience – the formation of the colonial white-settler society of Australia in its early years (1901–1920s), comparing and contrasting the systems of administrative management of disability and indigeneity. In doing so, the paper reveals the deep materialities of white, able-bodied, masculine, (post)colonial settler rule that bring together disability and indigeneity via gender reproductive controls. The conclusion reflects on the transformative effects of managing transgressive bodies and minds under the white able-bodied settler state and the potential this opens to negotiate practices of solidarity.  相似文献   

18.
少数民族高考加分政策实施多年,其公正性屡遭质疑,根本原因在于对该政策的根据缺乏深入而系统的认识。事实上,理性约定和平等原则构成其法律基础,循环累积因果论和帕累托最优为其提供经济学上的理论依据,唯有从这两方面厘清该政策的正当性根据,方可消除种种分歧以及在执行和实施过程中的异化和不合理现象。  相似文献   

19.
顾华详 《民族学刊》2013,4(1):68-74,116-118
民族区域自治地区社会管理创新面临的矛盾更加复杂,特殊性更加突出,任务更加艰巨,对法治的要求更高。法治建设是加强和创新民族区域自治地区社会管理的基本路径,是民族区域自治地区健全社会管理机制的重要环节,是民族区域自治地区规范化解社会矛盾的根本保障,在民族区域自治地区加强和创新社会管理中肩负着重要使命。民族区域自治地区依法加强和创新社会管理,必须坚定不移地遵循宪法原则,始终遵循以人为本的基本要求;坚持强化法治建设、不断完善法治措施。  相似文献   

20.
同美 《民族学刊》2015,6(5):15-27,98-100
通过对象雄与嘉绒的族源关系、嘉绒口语中的象雄语活态词汇,以及象雄文化在藏青藏高原东南部边沿遗存等诸多事实的考察发现,象雄十八王国作为象雄文化的标志性符号之一,其历史在青藏高原西北部被终结的同时,在青藏高原东南部得到了延续,最显著标志史称嘉绒十八王国。象雄王国的空间地理范围,尽管各个历史时期文献记载不尽一致,然而有一条是非常清楚的,那就是无论象雄王朝的历史有多么悠久多么漫长,无论象雄王朝涉及的疆域有多广变化有多大,给人的整体印象是象雄王国历史舞台的中心始终在青藏高原,其历史舞剧的影响力时而远及青藏高原西北部边缘的广泛地区,时而远及青藏高原东南部边缘的岷江上游地区。今天的藏东嘉绒地区、岷江上游,乃至于成都平原的广汉三星堆和金沙遗址,仍然有不少远古象雄文化的印记。一句话,象雄文化最能反映藏文化的整体性特点。  相似文献   

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