十年来中国抗争运动研究评述

上世纪90年代以来,中国的抗争运动爆发的频度和影响力不断增长,吸引了越来越多研究者的关注,海内外关于这一题域的研究也日渐兴起。这一研究题域在概念谱系上呈现出多元化的状态,以过程分析、结构分析和机制分析作为其主要的分析路径,以集体行动、日常抵抗、社会动员以及政治过程等理论为指导,并特别关注抗争运动与民主政治的关系;在研究方法上,规范性实证研究的比例正在上升,定量研究和比较研究是未来的发展方向。     

抗美援朝运动与一种运动动员模式的形成

抗美援朝运动中的动员模式体现出一种革命型动员模式的运作特点.在运作机制上,立体式动员网络与立体式运动网络在共同运作中交互重叠、共同作用,把整个动员运作机制的效能发挥到极致.正是在这一过程中,一种具有中国特色的运动动员模式开始形成.     

群体网络与集体行动生发的可能性

群体的社会网络对于集体行动的生发有着非常重要的影响.群体成员内部的积极情感与针对反对派的消极情感借助网络得以产生、传播和强化,群体的凝聚力以及参与集体行动的内驱力也因此得以强化;通过群体的社会网络,群体成员对社会问题的诠释得以不断传播、交流和整合,从而上升为集体层面的意义建构,这种高度共意性的意义建构能对集体行动潜在参与者产生强大的动员潜能;此外,群体网络通过对信息的传递、对行动者的监控、激励与庇护、对组织者和积极分子的供给施加影响,从而改变潜在参与者集体行动的预期收益,进而改变着他们的行动选择.     

共建共治共享视角下新型社会动员体系的构建——以佛山市南海区为例

在社会治理领域,社会动员有助于形成一种社会发展不可缺少的引导力、凝聚力和共治力。面对经济与社会发展的结构性矛盾、基层自治系统脆弱、产业社区的社会融合度不足等问题,佛山市南海区探索建立了以组织、人员、制度、资源、能力为基本框架的新型社会动员体系。这一体系,以系统思维实现了社会动员要素的功能整合,增强了动员力量;以基层组织建设发挥了党的组织优势和制度优势,健全了动员体制;以社案制和楼长制等创新举措,实现了上下联动,提升了动员成效。为达到更有效的社会动员,还需在社工队伍培养、公共精神培育、法治建设等方面着力,推动体系的进一步完善。     

农民的集体行动逻辑与结果——以浙江省H村的一次选举事件为例

H村村民为Y某争取选民资格的选举事件是一个典型的集体行动案例.此案例呈现出的行动轨迹是:危机引发民众创新期待--精英引导与动员--精英主导的村民集体参与行动--实现行动目的.这其中也相应地蕴涵着危机促动的行动发生逻辑、精英主导集体参与的行动运作逻辑、理性参与的策略选择逻辑.H村农民集体行动的结果,不仅实现了直接目标,而且促进了村社区经济社会的发展,诱致了制度创新.本案例表明:底层社会行动在社会变迁和制度创新中具有积极意义,理性化的集体行动是取得制度创新结果的关键.     

从在线到离线：基于互联网的集体行动的形成及其影响因素——以反建X餐厨垃圾站运动为例

本文以反对垃圾站选址的社区集体抗争为例,采用虚拟民族志方法,展现了业主利用互联网进行抗争的行动图景,揭示了基于互联网的集体行动从线上走向线下的过程和影响因素。研究发现,对于浅层行动,在线动员能够实现广泛的离线参与;对于深层行动,在政治弱控制、参与热情高涨的运动初期,在线动员效果较好,但在政治控制介入、行动力弱化的运动维持阶段,则需要通过离线的二次动员或现实网络及组织的生成来保证行动参与并支撑运动的持续性。文章指出,互联网的动员潜力、行动特性及运动历程综合影响着从在线到离线的转换,而控制因素产生的政治风险塑造着网络动员的方式和策略,型构着网民群体的行动逻辑,并最终呈现为对在线动员效果的约制。     

社区治理与权力秩序的重构——对上海市KJ社区的研究

发轫于20世纪80年代的社会经济转型,深刻地改变了城市社会的整体面貌。宏观层面的社会变迁在很大程度上也波及到了城市基层社区,剧烈的社会分化促使传统的社会整合机制发生了巨大的变化,换句话说,传统的社区权力秩序正处于变动与重构过程之中。在这种情况下,研究社区权力秩序的变动与转换的内在机制及其运行逻辑则成为一个重要的研究领域。在本文中,笔者将通过对一个基层社区治理过程的实证研究,来考察当代城市基层社会权力秩序的重构,借以探求其内在的行动逻辑与机制。一、社区权力与治理:一个文献综述无论在自然界还是在人类社会,都存在一…     

社会信任与基层社区治理效应的因果机制

本文尝试回答社会信任对基层社区治理效应产生影响的具体机制。本文认为,社会信任通过具体的中间传输机制影响基层社区治理效应。根据以往理论和实证发现,本研究选取并检验了选举质量、大众参与和非政府组织等三个具体的中间机制。结果表明,社会信任虽然对社区治理有着重要影响,但其影响并非直接的,而是借由中间机制实现的;普遍信任对选举质量产生显著的正面影响,即对社区居委会的治理效应产生积极影响;特殊信任对选举质量和业委会建立产生显著的负面影响,进而对社区居委会的治理效应产生消极影响。     

社会工作专题讲座 第八讲 社区工作

一、社区工作的涵义社区工作与社会个案工作、社会小组工作并列,被称之为社会工作直接服务的三大基本方法。作为专业社会工作的一种基本方法,社区工作以社区和社区居民为案主,通过发动和组织社区居民参与集体行动,确定社区的问题与需求,动员社区资源,争取外力协     

遭遇修路事件的村庄选举双重选择的集体行动

奥尔森“集体行动的逻辑”对现实中比较复杂的集体行动的解释要依赖于一个比较严格的前提假设,任何集体行动都可以还原为一定数量的同质个体在某一时刻的一次性选择,即这一理论忽略了在一个复杂的集体行动过程中集体选择的不可还原性,以及可拆解的多个集体选择的“交互性关联”。本文以河北某村基层选举与修路事件为个案,探讨了具有不同目标的集体选择叠加在同一群体的一次集体行动中时,集体行动的结果和逻辑所发生的变化,并试图以此逻辑为基础对广大农村基层选举中出现的经济精英入主村委会的现象提供一个可能的解释。     

试析美国金融危机中的政府行政干预

金融危机是市场经济发展过程中的一个现象。宪政秩序是美国政府行政行为需要遵循的框架,政府行政干预是解决经济危机的有效手段,金融立法是政府行政干预的行为依据。创新必须要有监管,稳健的金融立法是稳定金融市场、防范金融危机的有效工具。金融立法应考虑效率与安全的平衡,有利于金融的长期发展。不同国家有不同的历史文化传统和现实政治经济情况,会选择不同特色的社会制度和行政运行机制,这是一个自然的过程。     

英雄伦理与抗争行动的持续性——以鲁西农民抗争积极分子为例

在中国乡村抗争研究中,农民抗争的动机经常被理解为一种“受损逻辑”。虽然受损逻辑能够部分解释抗争行动的发起,但却不能解释在利益补偿、伦理关系修复的情况下,抗争为何会继续进行。本文在对鲁西农民抗争积极分子进行研究的基础上指出,推动抗争积极分子持续抗争的动机是一种由抗争行动本身带来的、突出的、不同于受损逻辑的“英雄伦理”。这种英雄伦理发展出了互助连带机制、等级区分机制和友情再造机制等三种机制,从而推动着抗争的持续进行。然而,这三种机制在推动抗争持续进行的同时,也存在着各自内在的限制。最后,笔者讨论了“英雄伦理”对于理解中国乡村抗争政治的贡献。     

从边缘到主流：集体行动框架与文化情境

基于一个动员框架发生显著变化的社会运动案例,本文分析了主导运动前后两个阶段的动员框架及其转变机制。研究发现,框架转变源于社会运动领袖的策略性选择,转变背后体现的是动员框架与运动所处的宏观文化情境之间的微妙联系。具体而言,第一阶段的动员框架使用了文化情境中的边缘价值,动员效果并不理想;第二阶段,社会运动领袖对动员框架进行策略性的调整,将其与文化情境中的主流价值靠拢,在动员取得突破之后,又将边缘价值带回动员框架。随着运动的扩大,这些边缘价值被广泛传播与推广,并在运动之后延续下来,重塑了文化情境。     

Social Policy at the 2004 Election

Social policy appeared to be a key battleground at the 2004 Australian Federal election. Opposition Leader Latham announced major policies on Medicare, family support and taxation, and schools funding during the election campaign. Using sample survey data from the Australian Election Study 2004, this paper analyses how these policies may have influenced voters. In brief, although a significant proportion of electors identified these issues as being extremely important to them when they were deciding about how to vote, many made up their mind about how to vote around the time of the announcement of the election or before. This mitigated the potential effect that these major policies could have on the election outcome. Nevertheless, these policies were important and Labor had a significant policy advantage amongst those who were late deciders about how to cast their vote.     

Third‐Party Candidates and the 2000 Presidential Election*

Objective. This article examines how third‐party candidates influenced the 2000 presidential election. Methods. Two surveys provide information on a hypothetical election between only George Bush and Al Gore. The determinants of voting behavior in this election are then used to estimate how votes cast for third‐party candidates would have been partitioned between Bush, Gore, and abstentions had the other candidates dropped out of the race. Results. The estimates suggest that the Ralph Nader votes would have gone primarily to Gore (giving him the win in Florida) while Bush would have received more of the Pat Buchanan votes. The results also show that Nader's presence in the race gave Gore an incentive to position himself farther to the left ideologically. Bush's ideological position was not affected by Buchanan's participation. Conclusion. The third‐party candidates' participation was a critical factor in George Bush's Electoral College victory over Al Gore.     

技术治理的运作机制研究——以上海市L街道一门式电子政务中心为案例

本文试图从信息技术与组织结构之间互动机制的角度,对中国政府改革进程中信息技术促进基层公共部门革     

Conflict over forest resources in Northern New Mexico: Rethinking cultural activism as a strategy for environmental justice

Through an examination of a conflict over the management of forest resources in northern New Mexico between rural Hispanics and white environmentalists, this paper sketches a critique of the use of cultural activism on the part of environmental justice activists as they seek to maintain and diversify their political support base. Using resource mobilization and frame alignment perspectives as a lens on collective action, the central point derived from this analysis is that environmental activism which presumes shared interests on the basis of cultural values runs the considerable risk of losing sight of the structural factors that strongly influence the way ethnic and racial minorities will view environmental issues.     

Moral Values, Moralism, and the 2004 Presidential Election

The "moral values vote" in the 2004 American presidential election should be interpreted more broadly than as a reflection of concerns about same-sex marriage and abortion. Instead of specific hot-button social policy issues, a general personality trait of moralism—the tendency to perceive a moral dimension in everyday decisions—may have contributed to the election outcome. Specifically, we hypothesize that some Bush supporters shared Bush's high level of moralism (as reflected in his rhetoric) and that this moralism motivated their votes. Consistent with our hypothesis, a preliminary empirical investigation suggests that Bush voters were, indeed, higher in moralism than were Kerry voters. Plans for further research and political strategy implications are discussed.     

Presidential Election Cycles and the Turn‐of‐the‐Month Effect*

Objective. In this research, the presidential election cycle hypothesis is evaluated within the context of the turn‐of‐the‐month effect found in stock returns. Methods. Returns from the daily Standard & Poor's 500 (S&P 500) index, the Dow Jones Industrial Average (DJIA) index, and the NASDAQ Composite index are grouped into turn‐of‐the month returns and non‐turn‐of‐the‐month returns. Statistical comparisons are conducted to evaluate the returns based on administration subperiod, temporal subperiod, and party affiliation. Results. The results provide evidence of higher turn‐of‐the‐month returns in the second half of presidential terms. The higher turn‐of‐the‐month returns account for most of the additional returns found in the second half of presidential terms evidenced in prior research. Conclusions. The persistent higher investment returns for stocks found in the second half of presidential terms can be linked to fiscal and administrative policies that increase household liquidity prior to elections. Incumbents attempt to influence voter choice and energize core constituencies by increasing household liquidity prior to elections through fiscal and administrative policies. These actions create higher turn‐of the‐month returns in the second half of presidential terms, which generate additional overall investment returns for the period.     

How to start to talk about money: developing clienthood in interaction in a social welfare office

The process of defining clienthood, in terms of real-time talk and the inherently local linguistic and interactive practices, which highlights the need for an explication of the interaction order, is analyzed in this article. The tracking of the objectives and patterns of actions of local interaction in a Finnish social welfare office between social workers and longterm clients reveals the ongoing negotiating about meaning, rights and social positions and the central role of institutional speech in the constitution of a social welfare office. Basic interactional solutions for managing the institutional task of dealing with the applicant's interested claims was found. The social workers could, using different practices, initiate the treatment of the question of benefits so that the participants, with mutual alignment, avoided representing the clients interested claims. Also the clients could initiate the treatment, but the social workers did not align with the initiations that could be classified as interested.