Hyperconsciousness of Race and Its Negation: The Dialectic of White Supremacy in Brazil

Brazilian social relations—their practices and their representations—are marked by a hyperconsciousness of race. Such hyperconsciousness, while symptomatic of how Brazilians classify and position themselves in the life world, is manifested by the often vehement negation of the importance of race. This negation forcefully suggests that race is neither an analytical and morally valid tool, nor plays a central role in determining Brazilian social hierarchies. The hyperconsciousness/negation of race dialectic allows us to understand how a system that is on the surface devoid of racial awareness is in reality deeply immersed in racialized understandings of the social world. To approach the hyperconsciousness/negation of race conundrum, I review pertinent Brazilian and United States bibliography focusing on problems associated with the racial democracy myth, and utilize ethnographic data and interpret newspapers articles reporting on one of the many events of police corruption and brutality in Rio de Janeiro.     

School contextual factors and race differences in adolescent sexual behaviors

Abstract

Although there exist a voluminous number of studies examining predictors of adolescent sexual behavior, few studies have explored the role of the school social context in influencing teen sexual activity generally and specifically, the role that school contextual factors play in helping understand race differences in risky sexual behaviors. Using data from a nationally representative school-based survey of American youth in Grades 7–12, we find support for our core hypothesis that school contextual factors are associated with risky sexual behavior, number of sexual partners, and ever having sex, albeit it nuanced ways and that such factors cannot account for much of the race gap in adolescent sexual behavior. We interpret these findings to be more supportive of a social contagion model (versus a school climate model).     

Structural racism as the fundamental cause of the academic achievement gap

Over six decades since the Supreme Court ruled that all American children have the right to a high quality education, the academic achievement gap remains an important social problem in the United States. Researchers interested in understanding the achievement gap generally seek to find the mechanisms that can explain why Black students continue to achieve at lower levels than their White counterparts. This research has shown that differences in socioeconomic status, family cultural resources, school quality and racial composition, and bias and prejudice in schools all act as mechanisms that link race to academic achievement. In this paper, we review studies from the past 10 years on the academic achievement gap. We argue that while all of the factors identified in the literature can add insight to how race structures educational achievement, the fundamental cause of the achievement gap is structural racism, a system of social organization that privileges White Americans and disadvantages Americans of color. We argue that acknowledging structural racism as the fundamental cause of the achievement gap can provide a unifying framework for interpreting findings from studies of specific mechanisms link race to academic outcomes.     

RACIAL DIFFERENCES IN ACCESS TO HIERARCHICAL AUTHORITY

Using national data from the General Social Surveys, I examined race differences in the magnitude of the black-white gap among men in the odds of gaining access to positions of hierarchical authority at work and possible changes in this gap over the period 1972–1994. A test of William Julius Wilson's (1978) thesis of "the declining significance of race'and human capital/structural explanations for racial differences in access to hierarchical authority show that (1) blacks are less likely to be in the highest levels of job authority net of human capital, occupational location, family status, and region of residence, but there are fewer racial differences in access to lower positions of authority, and (2) blacks receive a lower authority return to their levels of education compared to whites. However, separate analyses based on subsamples of men living and working in large and small cities suggest that the racial gap in access to high authority and in the amount of authority returns to education is present more so among men living in large cities than small cities; but the racial gap in men's access to positions of high authority in small cities increased over the twenty-two-year period covered by the data. I discuss the implications of these findings for the persistent role of race in determining the life chances of black and white men.     

Some kids are left behind: The failure of a perspective,using critical race theory to expand the coverage in the sociology of youth sports

Sports are no longer simply extracurricular activities. For many children, sports are curricular, central to their identity, development, and peer and familial relationships. However, sport scholars and sociologists spend little time trying to learn and understand the huge growth in youth sports participation and even less attention to the role of race in youth sports. Sociology could offer much more, but suffers from what James McKee calls ( 1993 ) “the failure of a perspective” with regard to studying and understanding race, racism, and race relations. Critical Race Theory can help to extend the coverage of youth sports to include more input from Youth and of Scholars of Color. In this article, we review a current debate in the sociology of youth sports, which illustrates the gap in understanding the experiences of youth of color and Black athletes in particular. And, we provide solutions and ideas for future research.     

Race and gender as bases of class fractions and their effects on earnings

Maints auteurs ont affirmé que la race et le sexe repreésentent des bases de fractions de classe en ce sens que leur construction sociale permet à des segments d'une classe de se constituer à partir de caractéristiques liées à la race et au sexe. Cependant, les études ernpiriques antérieures tendent à considérer seulernent la race et le sexe comme des facteurs de fractionnernent au sein de la classe ouvrière seulement. À l'aide des données du recensement de 1986, cette communication analyse lea effets interactifs de la race et du sexe sur le revenu considéré comme facteur de fractionnement des classes. Les recherches de l'auteur indiquent que les effets produits par le groupement par race et par sexe sont inégaux en ce qui trait au revenu, les hommes gagnant davantage que les femmes tout en étant davantage ‘fractionnés’ par le revenu que les femmes. Lorsqu'on fait abstraction des différences de revenu entre classes, la race et le sexe demeurent des facteurs explicatifs importants du niveau de revenu, bien que leurs effets soient plus marqués chez les cadres, les professionnels et les ouvriers. L'écart entre les sexes est plus prononcé, mais la race demeure importante comme facteur de fractionnement au niveau des revenus des homrnes, měme après correction pour tenir cornpte d'autres variables. L'auteur affirme que l'assimilation des relations de sexe et de race aux relations entre classes est insatisfaisante et qu'il existe de sérieuses considérations théoriques pour considérer que les causes des inégalités entre les sexes et les races se trouvent non seulement à l'intérieur du domaine de la production, mais également à l'extérieur de celui-ci. The literature has argued that race and gender are bases of class fractions in that their social construction enables segments of a class to be constituted on racialized and gender-linked characteristics. However, previous empirical works tend to consider race or gender as fractionalizing the working class only. Using the 1986 Census data, this paper analyses the interactive effects of race and gender on earnings as grounds of fractionalizing classes. The findings indicate that race and gender groupings produce unequal effects on earnings: males have an income advantage over females, but race fractionalizes the earnings of men to a greater extent than for women. When inter-class differences in earnings are removed, race and gender remain important in explaining earnings, although their effects are stronger among the managerial, the professsional, and the working class. The gender gap is more pronounced, but race remains important in fractionalizing the earnings of men even after controlling for other variables. The paper argues that it is insufficient to subsume gender and race relations under class relations, and that there are compelling theoretical grounds to consider gender and race inequality as having roots both within and outside the sphere of production.     

Reviewing the Reviews: Discussions of Race by Film Reviewers

Color-blind racism has transformed how race scholars understand race relations in contemporary society. Previous researchers mainly utilized this theory to identify frames of color-blind racism in various social settings and interactions. What has received less attention, however, is how frames of color-blind racism are produced within material conditions in which social interactions and relations occur. In this study we use film reviews to exemplify how color-blind racism is produced in a specific materialist context—film reviews. Film reviews garner discussion among scholars for their impact on the box office revenues of films. Less attention is given to the content of these reviews and, particularly, how their writers address issues of race. This study provides a qualitative content analysis of film reviewer’s discussions of race in their reviews of twenty-first-century films featuring black protagonists to illuminate some ways in which mainstream and niche media outlets discuss race. Results suggest that the source of the reviews influences how race is considered and communicated among film reviewers. Mainstream reviewers differ widely from niche reviewers in both content and delivery in their discussions of race.     

The Effects of the Differential Undercount on Survey Estimates of Race Differences in Marriage

The fact that Blacks, and especially Black men, are not as well represented in survey data as Whites is well known among demographers. What is less well known is the potential impact of the differential undercount on estimates of race differences in various demographic behaviors. This research examines the potential effects of the differential undercount by race and marital status on estimates of race differences in marriage. The results show that the differential undercount has a surprisingly small effect on population distributions and on life‐table estimates of race differences in marriage formation. The author concludes that underrepresentation of unmarried Black men in survey data cannot explain why the race gap in marriage is smaller among men than among women.     

THE IMPACT OF RACE ON DENOMINATIONAL VARIATIONS IN SOCIAL ATTITUDES: THE ISSUE AND ITS DIMENSIONS

Although the impact of religious affiliation on social attitudes is a popular research topic in the sociology of religion, few scholars have examined the role that race plays in this relationship. Moreover, studies that do explore the interplay of race and religious affiliation seldom move beyond the general categories of conservative, moderate, and liberal denominational families. Our research uses recent data from the General Social Surveys to compare the social attitudes of African Americans and their white counterparts within established designations of religious affiliation. Along with control variables, we include attitude measures for political tolerance, legalized abortion, gender equality, premarital sex, homosexual lifestyles, and extramarital sexual relations. Our analysis isolates levels of support for these attitudes within categories of race and religious affiliation to determine whether variations emerge and whether they are nested within specific issues, religious denominations, or reflect more general patterns of race differences.     

Race, Class, and Family Structure: Differences in Housing Values for Black and White Homeowners

Several scholars have argued that the continuing disadvantage of Blacks vis-à-vis Whites has more to do with social class factors than with race. Other scholars have suggested that differences in family structure account for Black disadvantage. This study addresses these issues in terms of housing values by analyzing (1) the effects of race on housing values net of socioeconomic status and other relevant demographic variables, (2) the interaction of race with socioeconomic status in determining housing values, (3) the interaction of race with household structure in determining housing values and, (4) changes in the relative impact of race on housing values from 1970 to 1990. The findings indicate that Blacks own homes of lower value regardless of their socioeconomic status or household structure. Additionally, the negative effect of race was greater for Blacks of higher status. However, there was a stronger negative association between race and housings values in 1970 than in 1980 or 1990, providing some evidence for a narrowing of the Black-White gap in housing values. Implications of the findings are discussed.     

Kids Talking About Race: Tween‐agers in a Post‐Civil Rights Era

Our research examines how American children understand and talk about how race matters in their everyday lives. We draw on interviews with 44 middle school children who attend schools in an integrated county‐wide system and find that while some use color‐blind rhetoric, most children in our study know that race matters, while they offer alternative accounts for why and how. Some explain race as social inequality, while others offer cultural accounts of racial differences. Our analysis suggests that for white children, gender matters; more girls describe racial inequality than boys. For children of color, class seems to be key, with middle‐class children giving cultural explanations, including negative evaluations of others in their own racial group. We use an intersectionality framework to analyze the alternative and complex narratives children give for their own experiences of race and race relations between peers.     

The race relations problematic in American sociology: A case study and critique

This article reports the results of an analysis of all racial and ethnic relations articles published in the American Journal of Sociology, the American Sociological Review, Social Forces, and Social Problems, from January 1969 through December 1995. The analysis identifies by journal: 1) major methodological orientation(s); 2) how the concepts of “race,” “ethnicity,” and racial and ethnic relations are operationalized, which is useful for examining tendencies toward, or against, reification; 3) substantive content—that is, what a sociology of racial and ethnic relations is; and 4) primary context—that is, are racial and ethnic relations treated as a substantive subdiscipline in their own right, or are they merely a topic of interest for other subdisciplines such as social psychology? In brief, although some differences exist between the journals, all four journals publish disproportionately racial and ethnic relations research that: 1) is highly quantitative as opposed to theoretical, conceptual, or sociohistorical; 2) reifies U.S. Census definitions of race and ethnicity as opposed to critically evaluating such definitions; 3) social psychologizes racial and ethnic relations, or subsumes such relations under stratification processes; and 4) subsumes the racial and ethnic relations problematic under subdiscipline rubrics other than a sociology of racial and ethnic relations. The conclusion discusses the implications of these findings; for example, by virtue of what they publish, these journals construct a paradigmatic frame that gives precedence to, or legitimizes, some views and excludes, or de-legitimizes others.     

NIS interpretations: Race and the National Incidence Studies of Child Abuse and Neglect

The National Incidence Studies (NIS) of Child Abuse and Neglect are the primary estimates of actual child maltreatment rates in the United States. Findings from the NIS-2 of 1986, and the NIS-3, of 1993, have been presented as demonstrating that Blacks and Whites are maltreated at equal rates. The NIS-4, using 2006 data, was presented as showing markedly different findings from the prior NIS studies with regard to race. A supplementary NIS-4 report on race argued that differences between the NIS-3 and NIS-4 were due to better precision and an expanding income gap between Blacks and Whites between 1993 and 2006. This paper will demonstrate that the NIS-2 and NIS-3 did not, as is commonly believed, show equivalence between Black and White maltreatment rates and that the NIS-2, NIS-3 and NIS-4 do not differ markedly in their racial findings. Further, the large historical increase in the Black/White income gap cited in the NIS-4 race supplement derives from a simple failure to account for inflation. If left unaddressed, misinterpretations of NIS data will continue to misinform policy, cloud the issue of racial bias in the child welfare system and obscure the ongoing role of concentrated poverty in driving racial disproportionality.     

Political,institutional, and bureaucratic fuel for the arms race

Revolutionary changes in Eastern Europe are fundamentally intertwined with the thawing of the Cold War between the United States and the Soviet Union. Paradoxically, the arms race between the superpowers continues. This paper examines the paradox by first considering the conventional explanations for improved relations and demonstrating their inadequacies, then turning to the structural factors that appear to help explain the changed relations, and finally examining some of the social forces that cause the arms race to continue despite the thawing of the Cold War. Structural factors cited here as having contributed to the improved relations include: changes in the global economy, the development of a civil society in the Eastern bloc, domestic and international peace initiatives, and cultural changes. Despite these changes, the arms race continues due to the stability of strategic policy and the way it is made, military-industrial institutional operations, political and economic interests, and government operations. In each of these areas, much sociological research is needed to help guide the policy-making process away from continuing the arms race.     

The institutional structure of immigration as a determinant of inter-racial competition: a comparison of Britain and Canada

This study attempts to explain differences between Britain and Canada in the reception given to immigrant racial minorities in the post-war years. It is suggested that among the factors relevant to this explanation, importance should be attributed to cross-national differences in the institutional structure of immigration itself. Supporting comparative evidence comes from published research, public opinion polls, newspaper records, parliamentary debates, and the legislative records. The institutional structure of immigration differed between Britain and Canada in ways that appear to have affected race relations. These institutions, imbedded in national and international economic and political structures, reflect the interests and viewpoints of groups located within those structures. In this context, structural change can directly affect the sense of inter-racial competition within immigration institutions, with implications for race relations. This study provides two contrasting cases illustrating these processes.     

The Influence of Term Limits on the Electoral Success of Women

ABSTRACT

In this paper I develop a theoretical approach that rehabilitates identity as a political and interpretive, not essentialist, category. To this end, I explore versions of feminist standpoint theory developed by Nancy Hartsock and Alison Jaggar. While these versions of standpoint theory have marked the significance of experience and knowledge for feminist practice, their conception of subjectivity is too unified and, therefore, creates problems for addressing the epistemological implications of “difference.” For this approach to feminist subjectivity, power relations of race, class, and nation are “differences” which are viewed as threatening endless fragmentation or promising plurality. Alternatively, following Norma Alarcon's theory of multiple-voiced subjectivity, I argue that relations of power produce complex subjectivities situated within multiple, intersecting axes of power: race, class, sex, gender, nation. These relations of power mark the terrain of experience as an interpretive field for the production of knowledge and collective identity. This approach shifts the interpretation of experience and knowledge from a paradigm of essentialism, fragmentation, and pluralist difference to a paradigm of accountability and coalition.     

African-American students’ perceptions of public relations education and practice: Implications for minority recruitment

In-depth interviews were conducted with African-American public relations students to explore their perceptions of public relations and the role race may play in their career success. The motivations for pursuing public relations and perceptions of the field are not different than those of other groups of students found in previous studies. However, the findings provide insights that are helpful in recruiting African-American students, and also in retaining them in the major. Central themes that emerged from the data are that it is important to have African-American role models, and that students’ view race as a fact of life that can be both a barrier and an asset.     

Decomposing the Black-White Wealth Gap: The Role of Parental Resources, Inheritance, and Investment Dynamics

Much research has shown that even after controlling for income, African Americans suffer from drastically lower net worths than their white counterparts; these differences in net worth have important implications for the overall well‐being of blacks and whites. If not directly from labor market disadvantages–i.e., income differentials–then from what does this racial gap in wealth arise? The current study assesses two complementary accounts of this race difference in asset holdings. The first, the historical legacy thesis, suggests that net wealth differences in the current generation are largely a result of discrimination in past generations; that is, they can be traced to the “head start” that whites have enjoyed in accumulating assets and passing them on. The second theory, the contemporary dynamics thesis, holds that current dynamics of institutional racism in the housing and credit markets are more responsible for the gap. The current study tests the relative impact of multi‐generational forces and contemporary property and credit dynamics by using two‐generational data from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics. It finds that parental wealth and income levels and inheritance all have a significant impact on the wealth levels of the current generation net of respondent socioeconomic characteristics; however, parental wealth and inheritance fail to explain the black‐white gap. Further, this study shows that even predicting net worth from that same family's net worth five years prior (also controlling for savings during the interim), there remains a significantly negative effect of African American race. However, breaking out initial net worth into asset types shows that it may be different investment types and returns that explain the difference in asset accumulation over a five‐year period.     

Grandfather caregivers: race and ethnic differences in poverty

We use data from the 2006 American Community Survey to examine race and ethnic differences in the effects of marital status and co-residence of the middle generation on the likelihood of poverty among grandfathers who have primary responsibility for co-resident grandchildren (N = 3,379). Logistic regression results indicate that race/ethnicity and household composition are significant predictors of poverty for grandfather caregivers: non-Hispanic white grandfathers, those who are married, and those with a co-resident middle generation are the least likely to be poor. The effects of race/ethnicity, marital status, and the presence of a middle generation are, however, contingent upon one another. Specifically, the negative effect of being married is lower among grandfathers who are Hispanic, African American, non-Hispanic, and non-Hispanics of other race/ethnic groups compared to whites. In addition, having a middle generation in the home has a larger negative effect on poverty for race/ethnic minority grandfathers than for non-Hispanic whites. Finally, the combined effects of marriage and a middle generation vary across race/ethnic group and are associated with lower chances of poverty among some groups compared with others. We use the theory of cumulative disadvantage to interpret these findings and suggest that race/ethnicity and household composition are synergistically related to economic resources for grandfather caregivers.     

An exploration of the intersection of race,gender and generation in African American women doing social justice work

This article examines how Black women from varying generations articulate their perceptions about race. The 183 participants, ranging in age from 21 to 69, were Black women committed to social justice work. An under‐researched area is the exploration of generational perspectives about race among Black women social activists. Utilizing an exploratory sequential mixed‐methods design, data were collected through six in‐depth personal interviews, four focus groups, and an online survey. Intersectionality, standpoint and social identity theories were used in a complementary way to interpret the findings. Analysis of the data suggests that Millennials perceive race and social justice work differently than the Gen‐Xers and Baby Boomers. The Millennials more readily acknowledge the intersectionality of their multiple identities and tend to characterize their racial experiences as gendered. Furthermore, like the Baby Boomers and Gen‐Xers, the Millennials expressed a need for and a commitment to social justice work, but seemed more open to collaborating with other socially oppressed groups.