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1.
This paper examines selectivity of refugees from Bosnia and Herzegovina in Serbia with respect to certain demographic and socio‐economic structures. Analyses indicated that the demographic and socio‐economic characteristics of these refugees are significantly more favourable than those of other refugees in Serbia and those in the place of origin. The results show that refugees from Bosnia and Herzegovina who, because of war, have sought refuge in Serbia are positively selective compared to the population that moved shorter distances (i.e. within the borders of Bosnia and Herzegovina) for the same reason. Their educational level and participation in the Belgrade workforce, the main urban and functional centre and pole of demographic concentration, support the hypothesis that despite the forced nature of their migration, movement to Serbia as a destination rather than migration within Bosnia and Herzegovina was partly determined by economic factors in keeping with the structural characteristics of the refugees. The directions of recent refugee migrations from Bosnia and Herzegovina to Serbia have continued the historic trend of previous migrations on the territory of the former Yugoslavia. To be specific, the centres with the highest concentrations of recent refugees from Bosnia and Herzegovina are precisely those municipalities with the greatest number of persons who migrated from Bosnia and Herzegovina before 1991.  相似文献   

2.
ABSTRACT

In post-conflict societies, such as Bosnia and Herzegovina, education is recognised as a key factor in reconciliation. Yet the 1995 Dayton Peace Agreement set in process arrangements that mean that Bosnia and Herzegovina’s three constituent ethnic groups (Bosniaks, Croats and Serbs) are educated separately. This paper examines students’ right to integrated schooling and an intercultural education, in keeping with the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child. It reports on small-scale empirical research on the impact of integrated and segregated education on students, focusing on the experiences of students who have had access to Bosnia and Herzegovina’s only fully integrated school. There are tensions between the competing educational rights of students and the cultural rights of ethno-cultural communities. Since entrenched political problems hinder the reestablishment of integrated public schooling, the paper considers the potential of service-learning and multicultural community engagement to challenge ethno-nationalist ideas promoted through segregated schools and enable peace and reconciliation.  相似文献   

3.
In this paper we study the history textbooks that are being used in primary and grammar schools in post-war Bosnia and Herzegovina. The analysis is based on the findings of empirical research carried out in the period 1997-1999. The results of this research indicate that in Bosnia and Herzegovina, although it is a single country, three kinds of history textbooks have been in use. These textbooks reflect the ethnic division into three distinct ethnic entities: the Bosniac, Croatian and Serbian entities. Each has its own, ethnically oriented, textbooks. Contributing more to the creation of a closed, ethnocentric identity than to an identity open to diversity, these textbooks serve more as a disintegrative than integrative factor in the post-war reconstruction period that has characterised social life in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Therefore, radical changes are needed in terms of curricula harmonisation, as well as the development of content appropriate materials for the education of Bosnia's youth so that it can fully participate in a democratic and pluralistic society.  相似文献   

4.
This article investigates what motivates combatants to fight in non-conventional armed organizations. Drawing on interviews with ex-combatants from the Army of the Serbian Republic in Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Provisional Irish Republican Army, the article compares the role of nationalist ideology, coercive organizational structures, and small group solidarity in these two organizations. Our analysis indicates that coercion played a limited role in both armed forces: in the VRS coercion was relevant mostly in the recruitment phase, while in the IRA its direct impact was only discernible during armed operations. We also find that although both organizations are seen as being highly motivated by nationalist ideas, the picture is much more complex and nationalism is less present than expected. The study demonstrates that nationalism played a relatively marginal role in combatants’ motivation to fight. Instead our research indicates that individualist motivations, small group solidarity, and local networks dominate.  相似文献   

5.
This article examines the various elements affecting reconciliation and coexistence in deeply divided societies through the case of Arab soccer players in the Israeli media. We analyze the discourse surrounding the concept du‐kium (coexistence) in the Israeli media between the years 2002 and 2008. Our findings reveal that Jewish journalists and public figures interpret coexistence as Arab citizens' complete acceptance of the Jewish perspective and narrative. Arab soccer players are expected to underplay their Palestinian identity, master Hebrew, and identify with the Jewish narrative and views. We contrast the Israeli case with two other cases of prolonged conflict—Rwanda and Bosnia‐Herzegovina. The study highlights that cognitive perceptions and schemes may hinder genuine reconciliation even when various groups reject overt racism and profess candid desire for coexistence.  相似文献   

6.
The internecine conflict that erupted in Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1992 was only one episode in hundreds of years of ethnic tension that also produced culturally rich communities. The city of Mostar once known for its interethnic tolerance is now torn between Croatians and Muslims living together in what has been described as an armed truce. This is especially well demonstrated in the failure to rebuild the regional healthcare system, even as the health status of the population continues to deteriorate. Nonetheless this failure provides an opportunity to begin a dialogue that can lead to well being through both improved healthcare and enhanced civility.  相似文献   

7.
In this article I describe the origins, aims and content of a program developed by the Anne Frank House around issues of international justice. The program, designed for high school and university students who are 17‐years‐old and older, and entitled Coming to Justice, takes the betrayal of Jews during the Holocaust as its starting point. Students from different countries critically examine through interactive exercises the history of the Nuremberg trials and then shift their focus to a genocide that took place during their lifetime: the conflict in Bosnia. Part of the program involves attending an actual trial at the International War Crimes Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia in the Hague. Internal evaluations show that attending a trial leaves a lasting impression on the student and a desire to remain focused on human rights issues.  相似文献   

8.
Scholarship on transitional justice, transnational social movements, and transnational diaspora mobilization has offered little understanding about how memorialization initiatives with substantial diaspora involvement emerge transnational and are embedded and sustained in different contexts. We argue that diasporas play a galvanizing role in transnational interest‐based and symbolic politics, expanding claim‐making from the local to national, supranational, and global levels of engagement. Using initiatives to memorialize atrocities committed at the former Omarska concentration camp in Bosnia and Herzegovina, we identify a four‐stage mobilization process. First, initiatives emerged and diffused across transnational networks after a local political opportunity opened in the homeland. Second, attempts at coordination of activities took place transnational through an NGO. Third, initiatives were contextualized on the nation‐state level in different host‐states, depending on the political opportunities and constraints available there. Fourth, memorialization claims were eventually shifted from the national to the supranational and global levels. The article concludes by demonstrating the potential to apply the analysis to similar global movements in which diasporas are directly involved.  相似文献   

9.
War and Theatre     
In this paper we discuss the origins of the play, Pax Bosnensis, a play about the war in Bosnia‐Herzegovina. We discuss the painstaking yet liberating process of creating a play with young people about their war experiences.  相似文献   

10.
This article examines The Center for Bio-Ethical Reform's claimthat abortion is genocide, assessing it against legal, trait-basedand "dynamic process" definitions of genocide. The purpose ofthis exercise is not to give credence to what many consideran outrageous claim, nor is it to merely refute this claim basedupon a close reading of existing definitions of genocide; instead,by subjecting The Center for Bio-Ethical Reform's claim to anethical and performative evaluation, our goal is to illustratehow the term genocide can be "misused." In the end, we arguethat The Center for Bio-Ethical Reform uses the term genocidefor its own totalizing and essentializing purposes, and in doingso engages in practices that share an affinity with the exclusionarydiscourses that help make genocide thinkable.  相似文献   

11.
The article looks at transnational dynamics in lesbian activism in the Western Balkans, with particular focus on Serbia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, over the last two decades. Based on 30 interviews with activists from local and international feminist, lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT), and queer organizations, the article discusses the role played by transnational contacts in the development of lesbian activism in the region and the related issues arising within the conflicting relationship between the "East" and the "West," with special attention to trends related to international intervention and cooperation, globalization, and Europeanization.  相似文献   

12.
Abstract

This article presents a horizontal reading of Aliaa Elmahdy's and Amina Sboui's corporeal interventions alongside the efficacy of digital platforms in order to consider how algorithmic and normative protocols related to content filtering on social media amplify certain forms of political communication while prohibiting others. I argue that readings of Elmahdy's and Sboui's bodily politics through the lens of liberal feminism rely on what I call discourses of mimetic networking, where particular mediated events become reterritorialized as part of an archival knowledge of ‘Arabness’. This is done through the organization of data via hashtagging and content moderation, and through rhetorics of techno-optimism that mirror ‘first contact’ narratives which gender, racialize, and flatten complex and fluid engagements with new media in non-US/European contexts. The article concludes with a consideration of how the persistence of their corporeality relays with both normative and programmatic parameters online to make alternative visions of communication possible.  相似文献   

13.
SUMMARY

Sparked by a global UNICEF initiative, Bosnia and Herzegovina launched a participatory action research process in which 75 young people in three towns explored local understandings, needs, and actions about HIV/AIDS, drug use, human rights, and other issues. This article chronicles the research process, the action recommendations generated by young people, and the current status of the project. It reflects on the commitments and efforts which are required when large, adult-directed organizations decide to promote youth participation, and on the institutional changes necessary to support sustained youth participation that benefits ordinary youth rather than a selected few.  相似文献   

14.
This article focuses on the Anti-Eviction Campaign (AEC) in Cape Town, South Africa, which is part of the larger anti-privatization movement, mobilized by disadvantaged township residents to assert their constitutional rights and resist evictions and service disconnections. It introduces the mutually constituted concepts of invited and invented spaces of citizenship and stresses the range of grassroots actions spanning those. The article also sheds light on the gender dynamics of the Campaign and how its patriarchal order is being destabilized. The AEC case study engages the pioneering feminist scholarship on citizenship that has embraced both formal and informal arenas of politics. The study points out the risk in constructing yet another binary relation between grassroots coping strategies (in invited spaces) and resistance strategies (in invented spaces). The article calls for a refinement of feminists' extended notion of politics, recognizing the oppositional practices of the poor in order to construct an inclusive citizenship. It argues that doing so better reflects the practices of the grassroots and furthers a progressive feminist praxis.  相似文献   

15.
While many feminist and postcolonial scholars have analyzed the post-9/11 politic in the United States, few have focused on the anthrax “attacks” that followed the 11 September 2001 World Trade Center disaster. The FBI search for the perpetrator of the 2001 anthrax mailings was an important node in US national security discourse making – it culminated in the fingering of a white male government biodefense scientist and cast doubt on the role of scientific expertise in provisioning national security. This article argues that while “white scientific masculinity” was put into question, it was simultaneously shored up as a nationalist symbol of protection against bioterrorism. This article traces shifts across the three FBI-led profiles of the anthrax perpetrator, along with concomitant news media coverage: the white male “loner” nonscientist, the white male “loner” amateur scientist and finally the white male biodefense scientist. Using a cultural studies approach, this article details how at each successive investigatory stage profilers mobilized hegemonic discourses to re-instantiate the authoritative status of white scientific masculinity in US national security. This analysis offers an important dimension to feminist and postcolonial critiques of the symbolic and institutional investment in white masculinity during the War on Terror.  相似文献   

16.
Much of the research on the factors that draw individuals to nonprofit careers is based in Australia, Western Europe, and the United States, and research on the role of faith in career choice focuses largely on Christian organizations. This article examines the factors that draw individuals to work in the nongovernmental organization (NGO) sector in the developing countries of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Lebanon, and Sri Lanka. It also looks at whether faith offers similar motivations for NGO workers in Buddhist, Druze, Sunni Muslim, and Shiite Muslim NGOs as it does for workers in Christian NGOs. Much like nonprofit workers in other studies, the individuals interviewed chose their jobs based on their personal commitment to an organization's work.  相似文献   

17.
This article focuses on a novel concept that involves having young people make films about contested historical monuments and discussing them in classroom settings with their peers. This concept, called ‘Memory Walk’, builds on insights within intercultural education and theories on commemorative practices that point to the importance of addressing controversial issues and histories rather than ignoring them. We start by discussing the challenges of introducing controversial issues into classroom teaching. Then, we turn to how the creation of monuments and memorials is a reflection of power relations in society, focusing on the complex and difficult way the past is being dealt with in post-war Bosnia and Herzegovina. Finally, we describe how such insights can be translated into the concrete Memory Walk method.  相似文献   

18.
This article analyses diaspora mobilization for transitional justice as efforts to gain recognition for victim-based identities. Building on research among diaspora groups from Rwanda and Sri Lanka in North America and Europe, the article investigates how diaspora actors in their quest for victimhood recognition navigate, make use of and challenge labels such as “victim”, “perpetrator”, “genocide”, “survivor” and “terrorist”. The article uses Jacoby's theory of victimhood to draw attention to the diasporic space as particularly conducive for recognition struggles, and discuss the different stages through which victim-based identities are constructed. The empirical examples reveal how serveral competing and interrelated processes towards victimhood recognition are simultaneously at work, and how diaspora actors both refute and creatively make use of categories that assign blame or signal victimhood and resilience.  相似文献   

19.
In this paper, I want to address the various programmes that have been implemented by the Pavarotti Music Centre in Bosnia‐Herzegovina, and the impact that these programmes are having on young people. Music has proven to be an instrument that can bring people together from various backgrounds and also allows young people to cope with their traumatic experiences.  相似文献   

20.
Despite a recent turn towards the study of political violence within the field of contentious politics, scholars have yet to focus their lens on genocide. This is puzzling, as the field of collective action and social movements was originally developed in reaction to fascism (Nazism in particular), while research on collective action and research on genocide has long shown parallel findings and shared insights. This paper reviews the history of this scholarly convergence and divergence, and suggests that recent findings of research on genocide can be improved by the consideration of concepts from social movements and collective action. It then details three theories of the micro‐mechanisms that mobilize individuals for contention – framing, diffusion, and networks – and specifies how they refine existing explanations of civilian participation in genocide. In the conclusion, I suggest that a contentious politics approach to genocide would consider it one form of collective action among others, analyzable within the existing framework of collective action and social movement theory.  相似文献   

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