Postmodernism for modernist public relations: the cash value and application of critical research in public relations

This essay argues that postmodern theorists, while adding philosophical criticism of public relations practice, also must have a “cash value” for modern public relations professionals to use their ideas. The essay argues for a fuller domain definition of public relations than used by postmodernists. It defines modernism and postmodernism, using Mumby’s four categories. It suggests examples and criteria for how postmodernist thought could be added to practitioners’ theoretical checklists.     

Mein(nach-wie-vor-schöner)Prof.de

Tobias Wolbring argues in his replica to our article Mein(schöner)Prof.de (issue 4/2009 of this journal) that the presented empirical analyses would be problematic in several respects. He claims our sample was selective, criticizes the lacking control of relevant confounding variables and our statistical model building. In this response we consider Wolbring’s criticism in detail. We believe we can prove that his points of criticism do not hold after a close investigation. In particular, we think our central substantial conclusions can be maintained.     

Updating the Critical Perspective on Corporate Social Responsibility

This paper argues that Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) is a key element of the new neo‐liberalism as it searches for both legitimacy and new sources of innovation. Rather than simply being a fraud or a drain on resources as CSR is often portrayed, we argue that it is one of a suite of practices that corporations are deploying as they seek to shift the nature of social regulation away from collective to more individual solutions. While the criticism that CSR is corporate propaganda has purchase, we explore a deeper development. This development is one wherein as the old ways of capitalist regulation were surpassed in the 1970s and 1980s new social practices such as CSR, Human Resource Management, ethical marketing etc. were deployed as a way of engineering new forms of identity, new expectations of individuals and institutions and new sources of legitimacy and social value. Social criticism needs to take this development more seriously (than the propaganda view) since it frames CSR as a predatory facet of this new neo‐liberalist tendency.     

Natural justice and the big public inquiry: a sociological perspective

The paper argues that discussion about procedural reform of the public inquiry system in academic public administration has taken an overly formal view of procedures and has failed fully to understand how and why there is widespread criticism of‘Big Public Inquiries’from those who participate in them. Following a review of the central problems with the existing public inquiry process, it is suggested that the work of Basil Bernstein on the‘classification’and‘framing’of knowledge can be readily utilised to develop a perspective for studying natural justice in big public inquiries m a sociological rather than merely a legal sense.     

后现代视野中的阿拉伯—伊斯兰传统

后现代仍然是现代性的一部分，只不过是批判性、颠覆性的那一部分。而现代性是根植于西方基督教传统的一种业已意识形态化了的并随着资本主义的全球扩张而渗透到世界各地的观念形态。本文认为，阿拉伯—伊斯兰传统虽然日益受到西方现代性的逼仄，但却仍然是独立于西方现代性之外的、可为思考西方现代性问题提供借鉴的一种文化资源。     

The World Bank, community development and education for social justice

For a long time the target of criticism, the World Bank haschanged its image and received a more favourable press. Nowit talks the language of development, has a routine presencein the worlds of adult education and community development andis seen by some as qualified to speak about education for socialjustice. This article critically examines the work of the Bankand argues that its values remain antithetical to social justicefrom the perspective of a transformative approach to communitydevelopment. It concludes by asking what might be an appropriaterelationship for community workers to develop with the Bank.     

Fast food,happiness and the misery of behavioural science

Beginning with a journalistic criticism, written by a humanist, of studies by behavioural scientists of fast-food cues, this essay goes on to describe the nature of fast-food environments today. It then develops a critique of the underlying assumptions and methods of behavioural science as exemplified in these studies, whose basic context is the field of ‘happiness studies’. This essay argues that happiness cannot be quantified; that attempts to quantify it, though well-meaning, and generally aimed toward a critique of neoliberal utilitarianism, actually reflect neoliberal ideology. It also suggests that social thought today is a long way off from understanding the roles of sensuality in the pursuit of the good life, or for that matter the enjoyment of food.     

Blaming the messenger: The media,social workers and child abuse

Abstract

This paper explores the agenda-setting role of the media in child abuse, citing local and international examples. The author argues that much media coverage of child abuse promotes a conservative, pro-family political agenda, offering a narrow individualistic/legalistic view of child abuse as opposed to a broader structural definition. This conservative agenda is particularly reflected in media hostility to social workers involved in child abuse cases. Attention is drawn to the major manifestations of this criticism, and to some of the reasons why social workers experience disproportionate media censure. Suggestions are then made regarding the potential for a more effective and pro-active social work response.     

Gambling is not a capitalist conspiracy: a critical commentary of literature on the ‘industry state gambling complex’

Research into the political economy of gambling, arising particularly from the fields of sociology and geography, has made many much-needed contributions to gambling studies. It has highlighted the association between gambling and social disadvantage and also highlighted the conflict of interest that arises when governments who liberalize gambling also benefit from the resultant taxation revenue. This has led a number of authors to argue that the global gambling industry, as well as many governments and academics, are party to a modern capitalist conspiracy that (a) redistributes wealth and subjugates the disadvantaged and (b) pathologizes problem gamblers to deflect blame from the industry. This article provides a critical appraisal of these arguments with reference to papers from some of the leading authors in this area. It argues that the important contributions of this area have been tarnished by the overuse of politicized and polemical language in academic/scientific contexts, by the use of conspiracy-style arguments and by unjustified criticism of the behavioural and medical sciences. It also argues that the field of gambling studies is strengthened when generalizations about the role of industry are always supported by tangible examples and evidence at each stage of the critique.     

Putting the critique back into a Critique of Information: refusing to follow the order

This paper argues that Scott Lash's Critique of Information is one of the most important works of the new informational order: the Order. However, despite its comprehensive and insightful analysis, it illustrates a common trend amongst theorists whereby the inherent pessimism of their arguments' logic tends to be replaced by an unwarranted optimism regarding their conclusions. This criticism is applied to Lash's critique, which is further supplemented by a rejection of Lash's argument that the transcendent perspective necessary for critical theory has been supplanted in the information age by an immanent all-at-onceness. The much more negative perceptions of the social and cultural effects of the Order to be found within literature and cultural history are defended as valuable sources of critical perspectives that may still help to aid theory as it struggles to keep up with the Order's discombobulating flows.     

Cumulative jeopardy when children are at risk of significant harm: A response to Bywaters

This paper is a response to Bywaters' (2015) critique of our paper on ‘Cumulative Jeopardy’ (Brown & Ward, 2014), in which we presented data showing a mismatch between timeframes for early childhood development and responses to evidence of abuse and neglect from professionals with safeguarding responsibilities. Bywaters (2015) claims that the study on which it is based is flawed on methodological, empirical, conceptual and ethical grounds. This paper explores each of these grounds for criticism and refutes them. We point out that Bywaters' calculations are inaccurate and lead him to exaggerate the methodological weaknesses of our study. Bywaters argues that we should have collected additional empirical data on deprivation factors; but this would not have significantly improved our classification of risk of future harm or altered our key findings. These show that a high proportion of children in the sample were not adequately safeguarded from harm, an issue that Bywaters ignores. Instead, he asserts that we have an ideological bias towards separation, and this forms the basis for much of his conceptual and ethical criticism. We reject this argument, pointing out that the study focused on those infants who were at greatest risk of compromised development, injury and death from maltreatment, and that these are the babies for whom the fundamental question is whether or not they can safely remain at home. We do not interpret our data as necessarily indicating that more children should come into care, as Bywaters claims, but that more needs to be done to safeguard them from harm, whether they are living with birth parents or placed permanently away from home.     

Deliberate or Emancipate? Civil Society Participation in Trade Policy: The Case of the CARIFORUM–EU EPA

At both the multilateral and regional levels, there have been efforts to address the democratic deficit in trade negotiations. One such example is the Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) between the European Union and African, Caribbean and Pacific group of countries where civil society participation was enshrined in the Cotonou Agreement. Yet, the CARIFORUM–EU EPA attracted much criticism from civil society. The paper argues that civil society failed to affect the outcome of the EPA because they participated in the process within a deliberative democratic framework which did not allow for emancipation or a challenge to global economic power and structural considerations in the negotiations; neither did it achieve citizen empowerment and ownership. We advocate the practice of participatory democracy in trade policy decision making—an ideal space for citizen participation—the former holding greater promise for influencing the trade policy agenda.     

STRUCTURE, INSTITUTIONS, POWER, AND IDEOLOGY: New Directions Within Symbolic Interactionism

Responding to a fusillade of criticism in the 1970s, interactionists made numerous studies to accentuate the structural elements of constraint. This reconstruction of symbolic interactionism (SI) has led to some convergences with the British School of Cultural Studies (BSCS). A selected group of SI studies are reviewed under the rubrics of negotiated order, master institutions, structural categories of gender and race, and power and ideology. Throughout, the article argues that SI's concern with institutions. structure, and power and ideology has some similarities with BSCS but differences are fundamental. Even though its reconstruction remains incomplete, especially in an adequate account of social structure, SI is now making a concerted effort to diminish the astructural bias by articulating macrosociological links between communication and community.     

Dancing Across Borders: ‘Exotic Dancers,’ Trafficking,and Canadian Immigration Policy

This article analyzes a Canadian immigration program that authorizes issuance of temporary work visas to ‘exotic dancers.’ In response to public criticism that the government was thereby implicated in the transnational trafficking of women into sexual exploitation, Citizenship and Immigration Canada retained the visa program de jure but eliminated it de facto. Using a legal and discursive analysis that focuses on the production of female labor migrants variously as workers, as criminals and as bearers of human rights, the article argues that the incoherence of Canadian policy can only be rendered intelligible when refracted through these different lenses. The article concludes by considering policy options available to the state in addressing the issue.     

Refusing to Listen: Are We Failing the Needs of People with Alcohol and Drug Problems?

This paper argues that social work education in the UK has persistently failed to equip its social workers with the knowledge to work effectively with people with alcohol and drug problems. In spite of continuing criticism of the profession's unwillingness or inability to engage with substance use issues, social work education has failed to respond to the calls for better training on this subject, even when specific guidance has been issued about course content. This results in a failure to meet the needs of our service users as well as social work staff who remain frustrated at their inability to intervene. The paper explores the historical and current debate about social work training in relation to alcohol and drugs and identifies the barriers to its inclusion in qualifying and post‐qualifying (PQ) curricula. Finally it offers a strategy for improving social work training as well as an overview of programme content requirements.     

MULTIPLE OUTPUTS AND COMMUNITY CHOICE IN PUBLIC EDUCATION

Numerous studies suggest that family or community effects dominate the production process in public education, and that marginal products of public school inputs are virtually zero. This paper argues that such findings result from ignoring the variety of school outputs, and the possibility for community choice among them. Systematic differences in school output preferences, by socioeconomic status and race, are used to explain differences in school outputs, usually taken to indicate differences in production possibilities. Estimates of multiple output production and cost functions allowing for choice do show reductions in background effects on production possibilities, though some effects remain.     

Bourdieu, Flaubert, and the Sociology of Literature

In The Field of Cultural Production and The Rules of Art , Pierre Bourdieu offered a highly suggestive reading and analysis of Gustave Flaubert's Sentimental Education . Bourdieu's approach has been extraordinarily influential in recent years in both the sociology of culture and, increasingly, literary criticism. Yet, his treatment of Flaubert's work, this article argues, despite its indisputable insight is problematic in several ways. This article has two objectives in this connection: (1) to show how the weaknesses in Bourdieu's treatment of the novel point to certain key weaknesses in his broader social theory, and (2) to use a parallel reading of the same novel both to demonstrate said weaknesses and to embark on a discussion of the future possibilities of the sociology of literature, arguing that though we should not simply engage in Bourdieuian readings of literary texts, a consideration of the late sociologist's work could inspire a renewed, vigorous research program in this area.     

The Impact of the Return of Religion on Theoretical Approaches to Democracy and Governance in the Social and Political Sciences

The survey article analyses the impact of the return of religion on theoretical approaches to democracy and governance in the social and political sciences and spells out the normative and practical implications of a post-secular research programme on politics and religion. Reviewing the recent theoretical literature in the field, the author argues that there is a post-secular revision underway in the social and political sciences. This revision leads to a re-conceptualization of key assumptions about religion in sociology and political sciences: on the grounds of a historical and sociological criticism of the secularization thesis, secularity as condition and secularism as ideology acquire analytical significance. In a second step and drawing chiefly on works of Habermas, Rawls, Bader and Shachar, the author proposes that as a consequence of this re-conceptualization, the relationship between politics and religion in democratic theory is best interpreted in terms of a post-secular, deliberative public sphere in which religion has its place and that an appropriate research programme on religion and politics might consist in a normatively informed comparative governance approach to religion.     

Peasants in reserve: temporary West Indian labor in the U.S. farm labor market

In the past 10 years, the British West Indies Temporary Alien Labor Program has received widespread judicial and legislative support and criticism. While sugar and apple producers who import West Indians argue that domestic labor is insufficient to harvest their crops, labor organizations and their supporters maintain that domestic labor is adequate. The resulting labor disputes focus primarily on the issue of whether or not West Indians are displacing US workers or undermining wage rates and working conditions. This article examines the relationships among legal issues surrounding the program, the US farm labor market, and the Jamaican peasantry. It argues that continued imports of foreign labor during times of high domestic unemployment, as well as the varied factors which underlie the continued willingness and ability of Jamaican peasant households to supply workers to US producers, can be most clearly understood from an international and historical perspective, rather than focussing on the needs and problems of any 1 nation.     

Reply to comments

Conclusion The comments can be ordered on a linear scale according to the amount of disagreement with my position. Roemer has virtually no quarrels with my position, which is why I have virtually nothing to say on his comment. Van Parijs is also fairly close to my view, even if we disagree about the nature and importance of the non-intentional mechanisms that can sustain functional explanations. With Cohen the disagreement goes deeper, because he argues that we can dispense with knowledge of the mechanism altogether, though I accept his criticism of my analysis of exploitation. Next on the scale, still further come Berger and Offe. We share an interest in the same problems, such as the nature of the capitalist state and the problem of collective action, but we use quite different conceptual tools to handle them. I feel very far from Giddens's position, to the extent that it is at all intelligible to me. Social theory in his hand becomes extremely abstract, without acquiring the precision for which one is sometimes prepared to pay a high price in terms of level of abstraction. Though, at the most general level, I symphatize with his objections to the dualism of choice versus structure, my agreement gives way to puzzlement when I try to understand how his views could make a difference for the working social scientist.