Postcommunist Societies in Times of Transition: Perceptions of Change Among Adolescents in Central and Eastern Europe

This article examines adolescents' perceptions of the economic changes and the justice of the new "social contract" in Eastern/Central Europe. Focusing on three countries, Hungary, Bulgaria, and the Czech Republic, it explores the social, political, and economic environments in which adolescents came of age in 1990. Surveys conducted among high school students in each country during 1995 tapped their perceptions of the economy, the local community, and their personal beliefs about the efficacy of individual initiative and hard work. Responses differed significantly based on age, gender, social class, value orientation, and country. Older adolescents and girls were more likely to observe that economic disparities were growing in their country and to be cynical about the value of hard work. Those with socialist values also discounted the value of recent changes. Adolescents in the Czech Republic were the least cynical about economic changes, whereas those in Bulgaria were the most cynical, with Hungarian youth the least optimistic about the future.     

中国转型期政府信任的生成与变迁机制

中国正处于制度变迁的特殊历史时期,转型期下的民众,一方面根据现代正式制度,采用新的观念模式和行动策略评估政府,一方面又受制于传统人情因素,对政府行为作主观评判。这种状况使得政治信任状态呈现明显的不稳定因素。整合民众、政府及制度等因素,能够解释制度如何通过影响民众对环境的预期及其对政府的判断,最终影响政治信任的基本状态。通过改变分析框架中的制度因素,可以探索当制度发生变迁时,人们对政府的信任状态如何随之变化,由此构建基于制度的政治信任的变迁机制。     

Lithuania's children's policy in the period of transition

The article investigates the welfare regime of the free Lithuanian Republic from the perspective of children's policy. The main principles of the 1989 UN Convention on the Rights of the Child – child protection, child provision and child participation – serve as indicators for the level of child orientation. The article analyses legal and institutional issues related to the implementation of the Convention in Lithuania in the first decade of Independence 1990–2001. Furthermore, it compares Lithuanian policy with the three welfare regimes identified by Esping-Andersen. Our results indicate that Lithuanian policy shows a low level of child orientation and that the Lithuanian welfare regime does not correspond to any of the welfare regimes in Esping-Andersen's typology. Lithuania still shows traits from the former Soviet regime. The new liberal extreme market orientation is not modified by social support institutions, and is combined with conservative ideologies on women and family.     

Building a movement from scratch: environmental groups in the Czech Republic

The Czech Republic’s transition from communist authoritarianism to parliamentary democracy offers a useful case study of the relationship between environmentalism and democracy. More specifically, this study explores the dynamics of environmental group organization in the Czech Republic from 1989 to the present as a way to reflect upon political scientist Robert Paehlke’s contention that the pluralist democracy enhances the environmental movement and vice versa (1989; 1990; 1998). What is found is that while environmental mobilization and organization did indeed increase in the post-1989 democratic era, the movement still has some serious weaknesses and has suffered from abrupt shifts in public support. Thus, while Paehlke’s thesis is essentially supported by the Czech case, we can also see that it certainly takes much more than the mere existence of a democratic context for a vibrant and influential environmental movement to form and maintain itself. Using the U.S. environmental movement for comparative purposes, this study finds that although some important strides have been made, structural, procedural, economic and sociocultural factors have all played key roles in limiting the success of Czech environmental groups.     

Communities do act: Neighborhood characteristics,resource mobilization,and political action by local community organizations

Some communities act, and some do not. By action we refer to political actions that challenge existing authority, and by communities we refer to urban neighborhoods and their local voluntary organizations. By combining recent theories and research on local urban communities and neighborhoods with the resource mobilization perspective of collective political action we develop a synthetic model specifying the characteristics of local neighborhoods that affect their capacity to mobilize resources in local community organizations to engage in collective political action. Structural characteristics of neighborhoods (such as size and heterogeneity) are hypothesized to affect their ability to mobilize resources (funds and members) in local organizations. The degree of external support for local organizations is also hypothesized to affect resource mobilization. These in turn are hypothesized to affect the amount of organized political action engaged in by local urban communities. The model is tested in a secondary analysis of data from a pooled sample of 181 community organizations in neighborhoods in three cities. We conclude that structural characteristics of local neighborhoods do affect political action, but only indirectly through their effects on resource mobilization. Larger, more homogeneous local communities and neighborhoods mobilize more funds, but this in turn reduces the likelihood of political action. Smaller local communities and neighborhoods are more likely to mobilize members, however size of membership does not affect political action. In short, members do not count, and money matters—the more the money, the less the political action.     

Beyond Welfare Regimes: From Empirical Typology to Conceptual Ideal types

The welfare regime concept introduced by Gøsta Esping‐Andersen in 1990 is still widely used in comparative political research, although it has been challenged extensively both on empirical and analytical grounds. Besides the fact that many empirical welfare states seem to be hybrid cases of the established welfare regime categories, the argument that welfare regimes exist not only at the country level but also at the local level and at the level of particular welfare programmes has recently gained momentum in the academic literature. In this article, it is argued that the welfare regime concept should be stripped of its historical‐geographical connotations and turned into an ideal‐typical approach. To this end, a three‐dimensional model is proposed here that allows for analyzing the attributes of welfare states, welfare regions and welfare programmes on three analytical dimensions: welfare culture, welfare institutions and socio‐structural effects.     

Bottom Up and Top Down? Community Development in Post‐Soviet Armenia: The Social Fund Model

The main objective of this article is to discuss the effectiveness of bottom‐up, community‐driven approaches in promoting community participation and building local capacity within the post‐Soviet social, institutional and political context of Armenia. In exploring this issue, the article examines the nature of local participation and social relations in rural communities in Armenia and the impact of the World Bank‐supported Armenia Social Investment Fund (ASIF) project on the existing forms of local social organization. One of the objectives of the ASIF project was to promote the participation of local communities in their own economic and social development. The research finds that the project did not change the existing patterns of local social organization and had no significant impact on the nature of participation in the beneficiary communities. Bottom‐up, capacity‐building interventions that mainly focus on changing patterns of interpersonal social relations may not be effective in fostering sustainable civic institutions without changes in the nature of a country's governance.     

Healthcare decommodification in decentralization context: Reviewing the ideational constructions of “classless hospital policy” initiatives in Kulon Progo Regency,Indonesia

This article illustrates the emergence of radical local welfare initiatives as a political response to the imperfect national program in decentralization context in Indonesia. In order to gain further understanding of the topic, it is worth reviewing Kulon Progo Regency's experience which recently embarked on removing class stratification at any in‐patient room in all local government‐owned hospitals through “classless hospital policy” initiatives. Using exploratory case study method, this article aims to review the ideational constructions of healthcare decommodification that is displayed on this initiative. It is concluded that the classless hospital policy reflects how social citizenship was organized through the mechanism of idea contestation which originated in the past community's behavior, combined with the vested interest of political regime for then subduing market logics under state power. This circumstance ultimately has provided the groundwork for encouraging innovative welfare outcome.     

网络极端情绪人群的类型及其政治与社会意涵——基于中国网络社会心态调查数据（2014）的实证研究

本文以社会化媒体的用户为中心,以用户的网络极端情绪表达为切入点,考察中国社会化媒体空间中的群体类型,并探讨各群体的客观背景特征,以及各群体的政治态度和网络表达行动。对中国网络社会心态调查数据（2014）的潜类分析表明,我们可以根据微博用户表达的极端情绪将其划分为“酱油众”“冷漠族”“铁血爱国派”“愤世嫉俗派”和“民粹主义者”五类群体。其中,“民粹主义者”具有一定的“草根左派”色彩,“铁血爱国派”具有某种“亲体制左派”的色彩,“冷漠族”则倾向于“温和右派”,“愤世嫉俗派”倾向于“激进右派”。就政治态度而言,“愤世嫉俗派”对体制的态度最为负面,“民粹主义者”对政府的信任度最低,而“铁血爱国派”对体制的态度最为正面,对政府的信任度最高。就网络行动而言,“民粹主义者”使用网络暴力和参与在线抗议的可能性都最高,其次是“愤世嫉俗派”和“铁血爱国派”。文章最后指出,对互联网用户极端情绪的研究是理解中国网络社会的重要窗口。     

Relationships among financial satisfaction,life satisfaction,and political action: A comparative study of the United States and South Korea

This study explores the potential impact of cultural orientation on the relationship between financial satisfaction, life satisfaction, and political action within the United States and South Korea. The total sample size was 3,432 individuals (United States = 2,232, South Korea = 1,200). 1 confirmatory factor analysis (CFA) model and a path analysis model were assessed using a maximum likelihood estimation. The findings showed a strong positive relationship between financial satisfaction and life satisfaction in both countries. Also, in both countries, more progressive individuals participated in more political actions. When exploring political action, we find an inverse relationship—with greater political action among lower‐income individuals in the United States and greater political action among higher‐income in South Korea. In South Korea (culturally “collectivistic”), middle‐income individuals were also found to participate in political actions that likely benefit larger segments of society. From a cultural dimensions theory perspective, these data suggest political actions in the United States (classified as “individualistic”) were largely conducted by low‐income individuals, potentially as means to enhance their individual well‐being.     

Homelessness in the Czech Republic

This article discusses homelessness in the Czech Republic. In doing so the authors have used an operational definition common in the European Union. In order to explain homelessness in the Czech Republic, the article examines the relevant laws and governmental policies. Then the article discusses some causes of homelessness in the Czech Republic, a recent census of the homeless in the nation, the activities of service-providing organizations, the financing of social services in the nation, health and health care among homeless people, a new food bank, and the harmonization of the Czech Republic with the common objectives of the rest of the European Union .     

Pitfalls of tourism development in Ethiopia: the case of Bahir Dar town and its surroundings

The history of tourism is one of the neglected themes in Ethiopian history. In Ethiopia, the development of modern tourism as an important economic sector can be traced back to the imperial regime. This was when the Ethiopian Tourist Organization (ETO) was founded in 1961. From then until the overthrow of the regime in 1974, the development of tourism showed a remarkable and smooth upward trend, as measured by the arrival of tourists. However, shortly after the military government assumed power in 1974, the growth of tourism was subject to adverse political and socioeconomic crises. The sector experienced a downward trend, with the number of annual tourist visits steadily decreasing from 50,220 to 28,984 at the national level. However, the seizure of power by a new government in 1991 brought about an environment relatively conducive to the growth of tourism with the adoption of a free market, relative stability, and infrastructure development. This paper sheds light on the history of tourism and its challenges in the context of the political, economic, and ideological shifts through three consecutive political regimes in Ethiopia: the imperial, Derg, and EPRDF. Information was collected from primary sources through interviews and focus group discussions with tourists, experts, hotel managers, and tour guides. Published and unpublished government reports were also consulted.     

Camping,climbing trees and marching to Parliament: spatial dimensions of environmental protest in New Zealand

Environmental movements are key actors in challenging social and political constructions of the physical environment. A wide variety of protest campaigns have been undertaken in New Zealand, from local issues of pollution and road building through to national opposition to native forest logging and genetic engineering (GE). The aim of this paper is to examine the scales at which environmental protest in New Zealand have taken place and the impact upon the actions and durability of environmental campaigns. Through an analysis of a catalogue of protest events over the period 1997–2013, this paper describes patterns of actions, before examining the campaigns against GE field trials and mineral extraction in more detail. The findings point to the importance of cross-scale operations in enabling campaigns to capitalise on and respond to changes in the external environment including governance structures, resources and countermovement actors.     

走向法庭还是走上街头：超越维权困境的一条行动路径

制度外抗争与制度内法律维权有着显著不同的结果和制度逻辑。现有文献中的“依法抗争”或“以法抗争”可以通过制度外或者制度边缘的集体行动获得政府及时的反应,但却有着多重困境：机会困境、风险困境、组织困境、制度困境。制度内法律维权可以很大程度上破解这些困境,但也有着该模式下独特的结果困境：费时费力而又缺乏即时直接的回报困扰或者阻碍制度内法律维权者去为了获得长期的有益于整个群体的普遍性制度化后果采取行动。但本研究中的业主维权行动在一定程度上破解了这一困境。他们的制度内维权行动让法律在实践中最大可能地运转了起来,从而超越了传统维权的困境。独特的政治机会结构和制度内维权本身所具有的特征,促进一些群体走向法庭,而非走上街头。     

Fundraising of Nonprofit Organizations: Specifics and New Possibilities

Fundraising can be viewed as a systematic activity aimed primarily at raising financial resources for the activities of either an organization or an individual. The inconsistency of this effort usually cannot be blamed on internal factors within an organization, but rather phenomena of a macroeconomic, legislative or societal nature. In an effort to gain an insight into the measure of utilizing fundraising principles in nonprofit organizations, extensive research was conducted for the ninth time among nonprofit organizations in the Czech Republic, the sample of which consisted of 313 fully completed questionnaires. Based on the research results focusing on fundraising, measures were proposed to expand the possibilities of ensuring effective multisource funding for a selected nonprofit organization. One of these options and at the same time the current trend in marketing not only for the nonprofit sector is crowdfunding. Crowdfunding is a new concept of funding projects that has seen a significantly growing trend in the fundraising is part of marketing activities, or at least it is very closely connected with them.     

Using government manifestos to analyse the political salience and shape of anti-corruption policies in the Czech Republic and Slovakia

In an innovative use of government manifestos, this paper examines the salience and shape of anti-corruption policies in Slovakia and the Czech Republic during the period 1990–2013. Both the intensity and shape of anti-corruption efforts appear to be related less to the actual extent of corruption or external influences and more to the growing domestic electoral pressure expressed through the higher ranking of corruption on the list of public problems and to an ideological bent of governments. We also use cultural theory to examine the philosophy of anti-corruption measures. We find that the hierarchical approach clearly dominates, but there is also extensive evidence of an egalitarian approach. There are only a small number of individualist measures and there is nearly no evidence of fatalist measures. We found that the political right in both the Czech Republic and Slovakia is associated not just with an individualist and market-based approach to anti-corruption, but even more with emphasis on anti-corruption itself and empowerment, civil society and public accountability as a means of fighting corruption.     

Intention Understanding and Partner-Sensitive Behaviors in Young Children's Peer Interactions

Recent research on peer interaction shows that complex, coordinated play emerges around 24 months. Increased understanding of others' intentions has been proposed as a reason for its emergence at this juncture. In this study, we assessed understanding of the intentional structure of human action in children aged 19 to 39 months by eliciting verbal explanations of observed action. We hypothesized that more elaborated understanding of intention would be related to more partner-sensitive behaviors during interactions with familiar, same-age peers at home. We found that level of intention understanding predicted types of overtures made, types of objects offered, monitoring partner responses, partner compliance, and types of speech acts addressed to partners. Results are discussed in terms of the contribution of intention understanding to interactive competence, the role of linguistic competence in conceptual development, the effects of context on the production of speech acts and developing theory of mind.     

The role of experts in forming family policy under an adversarial subsystem in the Czech Republic

This article analyzes the interplay between policymakers and scientists in developing the Family Policy Plan for the Czech Republic in 2017. As former members of the government commission that developed the plan, we base the article on participatory observation. When we joined the commission, a ‘window of opportunity’ had opened as the country for the first time ever had feminist-friendly minister and vice-minister of labour and social affairs. We explain why due to the inter- and intra-party dynamics, the parental leave reform to introduce ‘daddy months’ failed. We argue an adversarial subsystem existed in that the three coalition partners disagreed on the reform. According to Ingold and Gschwend (2014), under such circumstances, scientists play a strategic role, especially if there is unity among them. However, although there was basic unity among the scientists in the commission, the coalition partners at the governing level were able to block or water down the reform proposal under the study.     

Comparative Political Economy of Long‐Term Care for Elderly People: Political Logic of Universalistic Social Care Policy Development

Despite there being common socio‐demographic pressures across advanced industrialized countries, the public elder care programmes therein tend to vary. While the current literature on social care devotes itself to describing the care arrangements of each country and pigeonholing welfare/gender regime types, it does not sufficiently address this empirical puzzle. This study looks to specify the causal relationship between political institutions and public long‐term care programmes. It argues that countries with personal‐vote‐oriented electoral systems and/or fragmented party systems have difficulties in developing universalistic public elder care programmes, whereas countries with party‐vote‐oriented electoral systems and cohesive party systems are likely to develop generous elder care programmes. For whilst the former types of political institutions prioritize patronage‐based, particularistic benefits, the latter types encourage political actors to appeal to broader constituencies through universalistic welfare programmes. This study tests this claim by examining pooled time‐series and cross‐section data of advanced democracies, from 1980 until 2001. The empirical results suggest that politicians' reliance on personal votes and the fragmentation of ruling coalitions impede the expansion of public spending for elder care.