从权力垄断到权力分享：台湾政党制度变迁的原因分析

20世纪八九十年代是台湾民主化转型的关键时期,在这期间,台湾的政党制度也逐渐从国民党一党垄断权力的霸权党制转变为各个政党分享权力的两党制。究其原因,既有中美关系改善给国民党带来的外部挑战,也有党外运动和省籍矛盾给国民党带来的内部冲击;既有政治腐败和选举体制僵化给国民党带来的自身困境,也有儒家文化与自由主义观念冲突给国民党带来的两难处境;既有李登辉不当的改革措施给国民党带来的分裂和伤痛,也有党外势力的团结合作给国民党带来的打击和毁灭。     

Psychological ‘self–other overlap’ and support for slavery reparations

Neurobiological and social psychological studies suggest the existence of non-conscious ‘self–other overlap’ that can lead individuals to identify with other individuals or groups. This paper investigates whether this effect may help to explain support by some Whites for an otherwise unpopular policy on behalf of African Americans-slavery reparations. A representative telephone survey (n = 1200) serves as baseline of comparison for an online reaction time study with a non-representative sample (n = 1341) that measures ‘self–other overlap’ (interchangeably referred to as “implicit closeness” to Blacks). Partial proportional odds ordered logit analyses reveal implicit closeness to Blacks as the single most powerful predictor of support for reparations among White respondents. The magnitude of the absolute effect of implicit closeness exceeds that of traditional predictors such as racial resentment, ideology, and party identification. Methodological and political implications are discussed.     

Racial similarity in the relationship between poverty and homicide rates: Comparing retransformed coefficients

Criminologists have shown great interest in comparing the strength of the relationship between poverty and violent crime for whites and blacks. The present paper argues that the standard approach of comparing race-specific coefficients from logarithmic metric OLS and/or Poisson-based regressions has led to erroneous conclusions in this literature. Unlike researchers in other disciplines (especially economics), criminologists have largely ignored the need to “retransform” coefficients to their linear-effect representations before making comparisons between groups. The current study illustrates the importance of this methodological issue for the substantive question of whether poverty’s relationship to homicide is racially invariant (N = 134 cities). Similar to previous studies, initial results indicated that poverty’s effect on the natural logarithm of the homicide rate was dramatically stronger for whites than blacks (nearly 300% stronger for whites). However, after applying a broadly useful retransformation formula, poverty’s effect on the homicide rate actually appeared somewhat stronger for blacks. Further application of bootstrap simulations necessary to calculate the standard error of the difference in coefficients suggested that this racial discrepancy was not statistically significant.     

Press criteria for strike reporting: Counting or selective presentation?

The manner in which industrial relations issues are presented by the press and the congruence between press reporting and strike activity are analyzed using a strike pattern model and a path analytic technique. The usefulness of a strike pattern mode is suggested on the basis of the contributions and deficiencies of past research. A scheme of newsworthiness is elaborated for the strike phenomenon. The data analysis is based on a sample of 69 issues of Davar, an Israeli national circulation newspaper, and on the detailed strike statistics of the corresponding period (1974–1976). The main findings are as follows: first, the frequency of strikes is the major determinant of press reporting, while it is a minor component of the volume of strikes; and second, the frequency of strikes, their duration, and their breadth explain 30% of the variance of press space allocated to industrial relations issues. The need for identifying nonshape factors for this purpose is suggested.     

Intensities,preferences, and electoral politics

In several papers on electoral behavior authors have come to the conclusion that the mid-point of the distribution of preferences on each issue is dominant political strategy. These papers also claim that under certain conditions and assumptions a median-like strategy maximizes a society's well-being. This paper presents an alternative model and set of assumptions which contradicts the conclusions about the power and importance of the median. The alternative model is then used to make some observations about electoral behavior and the performance of various political institutions.     

Did send-down experience benefit youth? A reevaluation of the social consequences of forced urban–rural migration during China’s Cultural Revolution

During China’s Cultural Revolution, a large proportion of urban youth were forced to go to the countryside as a result of the state’s “send-down” policy. Past research has been ambivalent about the long-term social consequences for the Chinese youth who experienced send-down. Some scholars have suggested that the send-down experience may have yielded beneficial effects. To test this claim, we analyze data from the Survey of Family Life in Urban China, which we conducted in three large cities in 1999. Questions available in this data set allow us to ascertain the send-down experience of both the respondent and a sibling and educational attainment at the times of send-down and return. Our analyses of the new data show that the send-down experience does not seem to have benefited the affected Chinese youth. Differences in social outcomes between those who experienced send-down and those who did not are either non-existent or spurious due to other social processes.     

政党信任：内涵、结构及功能

政党信任是社会公众对政党在执政或参政、议政过程中体现的能力、素质、品性的主观评价、心理反映和价值判断,主要表现为对政党目标的信心,对政党理念的认同,对政党行为的认可。政党信任从客体结构、表现层次、区域范围和历史形态四个维度构成不同的结构体系,并具有合法性功能、秩序维护功能、政策执行功能和社会资本功能。     

从"世袭政治"看日本民主的实像

战后60年代以来日本政界开始凸显的世袭现象,冷战后一度有愈演愈烈之势。经济大国日本在追求政治大国的过程中,居然变成了一个世袭大国。原因固然有传统文化、社会心理方面的影响,但必须说当代的选举制度、政党政治及经济利益是其决定性的要因。表面看似有些积极因素的世袭政治,实则有违平等理念,扭曲了民主精神,阻碍了人才选拔的渠道,诱发了政治腐败,不利于有效决策,无形中侵蚀了日本民主的基础。在政权交替竞争中成为焦点的世袭问题,仍停留在敲敲警钟的程度,距离立法限制还有很长的路要走,短期内不可能根本上消除。现今只能是通过内部引入选拔机制,外部完善政党间的竞争,逐步充实以能力本位、政策本位为主的选举制度和政党制度。     

社会主义政治文明论纲

社会主义政治文明是人类现代文明发展的必然结果,也是社会主义整体文明的重要组成部分。在新世纪新阶段,我们党明确提出并实际推进社会主义政治文明建设,从一个重要层面表明,当代社会主义已经跳出传统社会主义自我封闭、孤芳自赏的认识窠臼,正在以宽广的视野认识历史和认识世界,从而愈益接近和溶入人类文明的大趋势,这是社会主义与时俱进的重要标志。社会主义政治文明的实质是实现包括政治制度、政治权力、政治意识在内的政治资源代表最广大人民根本利益的合理配置和使用;其建设的关键环节是加强执政党自身的政治文明建设,要害是发展党内民主,注重制度建党。坚定不移地推进政治发展和深入扎实地深化政治改革,是在全球化时代和我国现实国情条件下建设社会主义政治文明的两条基本途径。     

The role of self-evaluations in legitimizing social inequality

This research addresses a long standing puzzle in the social sciences: why are stratified social systems accepted as legitimate (the way things “ought” to be) by those who are advantaged and those who are disadvantaged by them? We build on previous studies of self-evaluations to explain the legitimation of inequality. The research consists of two experiments designed to test the self-evaluation theory of legitimacy. The theory proposes that structural inequality becomes legitimated when individuals’ self-evaluations and the level of resources they receive are congruent. Study 1 examines the impact of structural power on self-evaluations. Results show that participants randomly assigned to advantaged positions in power structures earn more rewards and, as a result, develop higher self-evaluations than those randomly assigned to disadvantaged positions. Study 2 addresses the relationship between self-evaluations and legitimated structural inequality by testing competing hypotheses of legitimacy. The results partially support the self-evaluation theory and partially support competing arguments about legitimacy. We conclude with a discussion of the implications of our work and suggestions for future research.     

Welfare myths: The transmission of values and work among TANF families

Both “welfare culture” arguments and structural explanations of poverty suggest that attitudes may have an effect on work and welfare outcomes. However, most scholars only examine objective behaviors and characteristics despite the fact that values are an underlying mechanism in explanations of the transmission of welfare and work behavior. Using data from a survey of recent welfare recipients in Louisiana and structural equation methods, we analyze causal relationships among family background, socioeconomic characteristics, attitudes, and two outcomes—TANF participation and employment. We find some support for the intergenerational transmission of welfare but not through values; we find no evidence that under the TANF system, values inhibit work.     

Intergenerational transmission of sex-specific differential treatments: The allocation of education resources among siblings

Using a unique data set of 3-generation education information, in this article we extend the analysis of Greenhalgh [Greenhalgh, Susan, 1985. Sexual Stratification: The other side of ‘growth with equity’ in East Asia. Population and Development Review 11, 265–314] and study the question of intergenerational transmission of sex-specific differential treatments. The rich data are obtained from Taiwan’s Panel Study of Family Dynamics project. As far as the macro pattern is concerned, we found that although there is a clear tendency of differential treatment against females in the old generation, this tendency is significantly weakened and nearly vanishes in the young generation. Furthermore, the supporting effect of senior siblings in the old generation becomes a crowding (resource-dilution) effect in the young generation. However, within each micro lineage, there is a mild “habitus” effect in the sense that parents who experienced gender-specific differential treatment tend to treat their children in a similar fashion. We find that parents’ education contributes to the elimination of sex-based differential treatment, consistent with the finding in Thronton et al. [Thornton, Arland, Alwin, Duane F. and Camburn, Donald, 1983. Causes and consequences of sex-role attitudes and attitude change. American Sociological Review 48, 211–227].     

Trends in the relative occupational status of African Americans and European immigrants in Northern cities, 1880–1970

In his classic book, A Piece of the Pie, Stanley Lieberson described divergent trends in occupational standing for African Americans and European immigrants after 1920, as the Great Migration from the South swelled the size of the black population in northern cities. In this paper I build upon Lieberson’s work using longitudinal data drawn from the Integrated Public Use Microdata Series for the census years 1880–1970. This more versatile data source allows me to examine separate occupational trends for northern-born blacks and southern-born migrants and to control for relevant socio-demographic characteristics. The findings confirm Lieberson’s general conclusion that blacks lost ground, occupationally, to immigrants after 1920. However, they show further that: (1) northern- and southern-born blacks experienced different trends in relative occupational standing after 1920, (2) that these different trends were due largely to compositional differences between the two groups of northern blacks, especially educational differences, and (3) that blacks were generally less successful than immigrants at translating additional educational attainment into improved occupational status, with southern migrants experiencing the weakest occupational returns to education. It is concluded that compositional differences and a racially-defined occupational queue were the most important factors shaping group differences and trends in occupational standing between 1920 and 1970. Timing of arrival in the northern industrial economy and a response by whites to the “racial threat” from a growing black population were less important.     

赛博空间与西方政党运作的新变化

塞博空间作为一种特殊的、虚拟的社会交往空间形式,改变了全球性政治结构。西方各国政党都在利用网络世界或赛博空间尽可能地实现政党能力的再生、强化和提升,以期实现民众对其政党的认同、提升和再建政党形象,增强在政党沟通中的民主性、参与性和政党网上监督等目标。西方各政党都希望在赛博空间这个新领域占有一席之地,充分利用其中的人力和政治资源来提升政党自身的影响力,进而巩固和提高政治地位。     

新农村建设中农民非制度化政治参与探析

建设社会主义新农村,是我们党从国家发展的全局出发确定的一项重大历史任务。随着社会主义新农村建设的进行,我国农民的政治参与出现了许多不规范的形式,诸如行贿活动、越级上访、黑恶势力的渗透与干预等,在一定程度上妨碍了新农村建设。因此,分析农民非制度化政治参与的现状和原因,寻求解决目前我国农民大量非制度化政治参与问题的措施,逐步将农民的政治参与引入制度化的轨道就显得尤为重要。     

Electoral Competition and Changes in the Party Balance in the U.S. Congress, 1789–1977

The Republicans have controlled Congress for only 4 years out of the last 45. This article considers how a majority party in a democratic country can maintain its control over a long period against the best efforts of the minority party. It is argued that if citizens chiefly evaluate the past performance of the incumbents when deciding how to vote, the majority party is likely to maintain itself in power indefinitely, while such an outcome is unlikely if citizens compared parties. Dynamic statistical models of changes in the party balance are estimated; the findings indicate that the minority party has usually had little chance of gaining majority status, no matter how long it tried. The results are consistent with the notion that citizens evaluate performance, not platforms. Implications for interpreting electoral competition are considered.     

Status claims, performance expectations, and inequality in groups

We state and test two new theoretical assumptions regarding effects of explicit status claims upon others' performance expectations and the consequent group hierarchy: (1) that any such claim is aggregated with other status information, and (2) that the weight of the effect of a claim is a direct function of the status position of the person expressing it. Added to the core assumptions of theories of status generalization, the new assumptions account for phenomena also called “second-order expectations” and “status cues.” Results from a six-condition experimental test support the ideas, and permit comparing our assumptions with two variant mechanisms. We consider some uses of the extended theory, including interventions to control status effects within groups and legitimating and de-legitimating group hierarchies.     

Career mobility and job flocking

Flocking is oftentimes used to metaphorically describe social behavior. Do people actually flock in a way that avian species do? This paper develops a purely ecological mechanism for explaining similarity in human behavior by distinguishing between social networks of person-to-person ties and ecological networks of ties of observability. I test the “information center hypothesis” [Ibis 115 (1973) 517] from bioecology on the career mobility of professional managers who all graduated from the same university. In this case, spatial proximity in birds is replaced with sociodemographic homophily on an acquired status characteristic among persons. The results indicate that homophilous individuals exchange information about a favorable destination state by ecological ties of observability, that is, they follow the career mobility of fellow alumni and “flock” along with them.     

开辟人类政治文明的新历程——学习江泽民"政治文明"论述

社会主义政治文明是现代政治文明的最优秀成果.党的领导、人民民主和依法治国的统一性,是社会主义政治文明的特质,是社会主义民主政治的重要优势.中国当代政治发展和政治文明建设,要在充分借鉴人类历史上一切优秀政治文明成果、遵循社会发展规律的基础上,结合本国的实际和文化传统,进行理论创新和制度创新,构筑有中国民族特色的社会主义政治文明.     

中国城市新移民的政治排斥问题分析

当前中国城市中存在较为严重的对城市新移民的政治排斥问题。这一问题的存在使城市新移民的民主权利难以得到保障,社会主义民主政治的优越性难以充分体现;可能导致群体对立和社会分裂,不利于社会主义和谐社会的建设;阻碍政治参与的有序扩大,增加中国政治发展的风险。积极推动户籍制度改革,给予城市新移民以市民权;逐步放宽城市选区选民资格,将城市新移民纳入城市选举制度中来;促进城市社区建设和社区政治发展,加强社会融合;积极发展壮大党和人民团体的基层组织,拓宽城市新移民合法政治参与的渠道,是解决城市新移民的政治排斥问题的良策。