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1.
<正> 公用局 公用局首次评选表彰“十佳公仆”,有十一名同志当选为“公用局十佳公仆”,四位同志获“公用局十佳公仆提名奖”。 公用局浏岛休养院被评为国内旅游百家定点接待单位。  相似文献   

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公仆溯源     
孙维凡 《当代老年》2011,(10):25-25
改革开放以来,党和国家反复强调:各级政府官员要全心全意为人民服务,作人民的“公仆”。许多政府官员也以“公仆”自诩。  相似文献   

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王佳仁,继1997年被评为宁乡县“十佳公仆”,1998年又被评为长沙市“人民满意公仆”。荣誉接踵而至,站在领奖台上的王佳仁似乎没有多少喜悦的表情,他的心里正惦记着一位生病住院的老同志……1993年,王佳仁担任宁乡县委老干部局局长,从此,便心系全县48...  相似文献   

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位不在高,廉洁则名;权不在大,为公则灵。斯是公仆,服务于民。脚步遍基层,民情入脑深。谈笑有百姓,往来无私情。可以观实况,察真情;无谎报之乱身,无偏颇之爱心,榜样焦裕禄,赢得百民钦。众人曰:“公仆精神。”--摘自赵文强的《读书笔记》  相似文献   

5.
万俊华 《职业》2014,(10):12-13
在苏永发的工作室里,挂满了北京、上海、深圳、昆明等全国各地患者送来的锦旗和牌匾。在“2013江西首届十佳好医生”评选结果中,苏永发名列第一;1993年、2003年卫生部先后两次授予他“全国优秀乡村医生”称号;2000年他被余江县政协授予“四个一”先进政协委员称号;2013年5月12日荣获“感动鹰潭十佳‘健康卫士’”称号。面对这些荣誉,苏永发非常淡泊,但在这些荣誉的背后,却凝结着无数感人的故事。  相似文献   

6.
宝成  塞音 《老年世界》2013,(21):4-25
他,15岁参军,19岁被中国人民解放军4930部队评为“学雷锋积极分子”;他,花甲退休,67岁被评为“全国优秀志愿者”。在68年的人生道路上,他始终与雷锋精神结伴而行、交相辉映。他从军35年,从警10年,在45年的军警生涯中,有着48年党龄的他,始终践行“全心全意为人民服务”这一宗旨,将正义感、责任感、同情心化为实际行动,赢得了百姓“活雷锋”“最美共产党员”的赞誉;用为民、务实、清廉、正义、爱心,向世人彰显了中国共产党人骨头不缺钙、血液不缺铁的真正的公仆形象.他,就是内蒙古自治区监狱管理局退休干部——魏明。  相似文献   

7.
儿子现任某市区委副书记。他妈是他的启蒙老师,我教过他的高中政治课。儿子在读大学时入党,后来成为清华大学的获奖研究生,现在又擢升当了领导干部,且口碑甚佳。看着儿子事业有成,我们做父母的心里极为高兴。要说望子成龙,儿子现在算是成“龙”了。我们老了,退休了,照理应该喘口气歇歇了。可是不知为什么,我们总感到肩上的担子还很重。望子成龙难,辛苦父母知。但当儿子真的有了出息后,也还是少不了操心,这世界上有多少的“龙”变成了“虫”啊。我和老伴都是共产党员。为了支持儿子的工作,我们将党组织关系转到社区党支部,积极…  相似文献   

8.
王晖 《公关世界》2008,(8):31-34
接到采访屠海鸣的任务,心中便开始充满志忑,不是因为屠海鸣是著名的慈善家和企业家,而是因为屠海鸣曾是上海市最负盛名的记者之一,从1983年踏入“无冕之王”的行列,到1988年,短短的五年时间,他的敬业,他的勤奋,他的文思敏捷和他的快手如刀,铸就了他上海第一届“十佳记者”的桂冠,这顶桂冠也同时戴在了他母亲的头上。  相似文献   

9.
momo 《职业》2004,(2)
日前,由21世纪人才报和新浪网联合主办的“房地产行业十佳雇主”评选结果揭晓,万科股份、中海地产、首创置业、华远地产、万通地产、SOHO中国、今典集团、上海复地、天津顺驰和珠江地产十家企业,以其较高的员工满意度和社会认同度荣获“房地产行业十佳雇主”称号。寻找中国本土的最佳雇主众所周知,《财富》每年会评选出美国100  相似文献   

10.
袁明东  李异春 《老年人》2004,(10):25-25
78岁的董英锻是湖南省工商行政管理局的离休干部,他热心扶贫助学,先后获得多项荣誉。2000年2月,被评为湖南省“离休干部先进个人”;同年8月,被中国青少年发展基金会授予“希望工程贡献奖”。2003年1月,又被共青团湖南省委评为“希望工程十佳爱心人士”。 董英锻幼时家贫,没念几  相似文献   

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《Journal of Rural Studies》2000,16(3):285-294
We argue that a “free” market — that is, a market in which the state does not intervene — is a theoretical impossibility in a state society. In place of the natural economy view of a market apart from the state, we offer a social economy view of the inescapable social structuring of markets through state regulation. Even when states institute policies which prevent “interference” in a market, the enforcement power of the state is no less required. We thus distinguish between two forms of regulation: negative regulation — regulation which prevents interference — and positive regulation — regulation which enables interference. These two forms of regulation make possible two different conceptions of freedom, what Isaiah Berlin once termed “negative freedom” from agency and “positive freedom” to have agency. We argue that positive and negative freedom and positive and negative regulation are inseparable; freedom is always contextual. Through a discussion of the debate between industrial agriculture and environmentalists, we show that both supporters and critics of the “free” market are alike in their advocacy, often unacknowledged, of both negative and positive forms of regulation. Rather then a lessening of regulation, this debate represents the institution of a new regulatory regime out of the contest of interests. We conclude by considering the implications for democracy of the contextual character of freedom.  相似文献   

14.
Although a number of valuable models of central‐local relationships in the nonprofit sector have been developed, particularly in relation to federal structures, there has been a tendency to assume that in any given organizational relationship central‐local structures will follow one common pattern. We argue that wider strategies are available: central dependency along one dimension may run with greater local autonomy along another. Such mixed tight‐loose structures may be of considerable importance in the “boundaryless” organizational environment of the future.  相似文献   

15.
A generalized adult hostility toward youth derives from the complexities of the parent/child relationship, often mirrored in the helper/client and therapist/patient dyads. Parents derive considerable or little narcissistic gain from the accomplishments of their offspring, and conversely, are disappointed or even mortified by their failures. This is particularly true of narcissistically vulnerable parents—helpers and therapists as well—and accounts for widespread attitudes of competition, disparagement, and outright hostility toward young people. In the extreme, the pathological situations of emotional exploitation, incest, and physical abuse occur, but lesser forms of exploitation, such as personally gratifying advocacy, political gain, cultism, and enhancement of professional status, point to similar, but seemingly less destructive, forms of narcissistic gain. Youth may respond by conforming, defying, disappointing, and deviating. Adults may be either pleased, or enraged.  相似文献   

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This paper seeks to explore the place of kramats the graves of Muslim saints or Auliyah – in the landscape of contemporary Cape Town. The kramat sites have been proclaimed as heritage sites because of their importance as tangible signs of Islam at the Cape. At the same time, the process of the kramats becoming heritage sites has contained moments of intense, often sensational, public contestation. Offering a reading of the discourses surrounding two contested kramats in Cape Town, this paper explores the way kramats mark out a miraculous space in the prosaic modern city and introduce into the post-apartheid evaluation of heritage, alternative conceptions of space and notions of temporality. They are sites of impossibility where, it is claimed, the laws of nature themselves are interrupted to mark the intangible particularities of the site. This paper explores what happens when this miraculous space is subject to the demands of private property and municipal law and the conflicts that arise from this collision of different conceptual and experiential modalities. It considers the effects of the entanglement of legend and history that result from the production of these sites as heritage in a market-driven economy.  相似文献   

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ABSTRACT

Whilst the fall of state socialism in 1989 opened up a space for the Polish LGBT movement to emerge and develop, over the last three decades the process has taken place against the backdrop of material and ideological constraints of neoliberalization, a point that has been largely overlooked in the scholarship on the Polish LGBT movement. Informed by interviews with Polish LGBT activists this article explores the contradictory ways in which processes of neoliberalization and market logic influence and often constrain the Polish LGBT movement. The argument is that neoliberalization and its logic profusely affect what is possible and desirable for the Polish LGBT movement on a personal, local as well as a national level. The contradictory effects of the processes of neoliberalization combined with the political climate, with minimal or no state support for LGBT organizing, result in a movement that is at the mercy of the market-like environment, under-resourced, dependent almost entirely on voluntary labor and spatially scarce.  相似文献   

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