Ecology of abortions in the United States since 1973: A replication and extension

This research examined changes in the distribution of abortions among states following the U.S. Supreme Court's 1973 decision invalidating most state laws restricting abortions, and compared that distribution with the distribution that would have been observed if all state abortion rates had been equal, and with the actual and equal rate distributions of divorces. After 1973 the influence of pre-decision abortion laws on the distribution of abortions decreased and the ecological correlations between the characteristics of states and the number of abortions changed toward a more "natural" or expected pattern. Little change was observed in the distribution of hospitals performing abortions, an indication that the decision influenced individual behavior more than it influenced existing social institutions. Restrictions enacted since 1973 had little influence on the distribution. Results are interpreted as supporting theoretical approaches that emphasize environmental control of behavior over those that emphasize individual autonomy in person-environment interactions.For reprints, write to James M. Richards, Jr., Office of Educational Development, 401 C.H.S.B., UAB School of Medicine, Birmingham, Alabama 35294.     

Legal abortion and fertility in Maryland, 1960–1971

In the brief period between 1967 and 1971 about one-third of the state legislatures passed abortion reform bills, and in states such as Maryland the number of legal abortions soared. Maryland with its good reporting system for legal abortions, as well as its demographic representativeness, appears to offer an ideal "test situation" for assessing the impact on fertility of the new liberalization. Data on live births and reported induced abortions to residents of the state have been compiled and analyzed in an effort to interpret the recent changes in birth rates. Variables examined include maternal age, birth order, race, and legitimacy.Since 1968, Maryland, along with higher than national average abortion ratios, has experienced a rate of decline in fertility greater than that for the nation. In addition, most of the age and parity groups with high abortion ratios show fertility declines greater than those for groups not using abortion as extensively, Nevertheless, because a number of different factors simultaneously influence fertility, it is hazardous to make accurate cause-and-effect statements on the relationship of any single one of these to the observed change.     

Abortion: the continuing controversy

While most countries of the world practice abortion, government policy, medical opinion, private opinion and actual practice vary widely. Although mortality from legal abortions is quite low, complications rise sharply after 12 gestational weeks. No conclusive proof shows adverse postabortion psychological effects. Romania, Japan and the Soviet Union experienced declining birth rates when abortion was made available and New York City saw a decline in illegitimacy of approximately 12% from 1970 to 1971. Throughout the world abortion laws vary from restrictive to moderate to permissive. Where laws are restrictive, as in France and Latin America, illegal abortions are estimated in the millions. The controversy over abortion centers around the arguments of what constitutes a human life, and the rights of the fetus versus the right of a woman to control her reproductive life. A review of state abortion laws as of August 1972 shows pressure on state legislatures to change existing laws. The future of abortion depends upon technological advances in fertility control, development of substitutes like menstral extraction, prostaglandins and reversible sterilization. Development of these techniques will take time. At present only through education and improved delivery of contraceptives can dependence on abortion as a method of fertility control be eased. Citizen education in the United States, both sex education and education for responsbile parenthood, is in a poor state according to the Commission on Population Growth and the American Future. If recourse to abortion is to be moderated, it is the next generation of parents who will have to be educated.     

Setbacks for pro-choice

In June, 1977, the U.S. House of Representatives voted against all abortion funding with Medicaid money, the Supreme Court issued 3 decisions stating that states are not required to finance abortions for low-income women, and the Senate limited Medicaid funding for abortion to pregnancies resulting from rape or incest or abortions deemed "medically necessary." These decisions will certainly result in increased antiabortion pressure on state legislatures to cut off state abortion funding and to restrict the provision of abortions in public hospitals. Private hospitals and clinics will have to reconsider their ability to subsidize abortion services for low-income women. These developments make it necessary for the procchoice lobby around the nation to reassess its political priorities.     

Two abortion referenda

Both Michigan and North Dakota defeated referenda which would have substantially liberalized their abortion laws. The Michigan vote was 61-39% against while North Dakota rejected a Zero Population Growth-backed referendum 73-27%. These results are a testimony to the well-funded and well-coordinated campaigns conducted in both states by the Roman Catholic Church and its Right-to-Life organizations. In Michigan the 20-week limit was a major handicap because it enabled opponents to focus all attention on late abortions. They pointed to 5-month fetuses which survived and brought home this point by such tactics as using school children to call citizens on the phone, say "This is the voice of the unborn," and then hang up. These results do not mean the public as a whole has switched from the largely favorable attitude toward abortion reform which preelection polls found. However, there is a public confusion which the Right-to-Life groups exploited. A key strategy must be to publicize polls which show that when the public is left on its own to consider the issues it favors removals of restrict ions on abortion.     

Facts and artifacts in the study of intra-uterine mortality: A reconsideration from pregnancy histories

Summary The analysis of intra-uterine mortality is made difficult by the interaction of many factors, some of them being pure artifacts resulting from the way in which the data are collected, or from the under-reporting of induced abortions. This paper deals with some 'real factors' of variation in the risk of spontaneous abortion (mother's age, pregnancy order, number of previous abortions), and with some of these 'artifacts' (inclusion of induced abortion, memory effect, differential continuation rates). Special attention is paid to the effect of heterogeneity of the risk of abortion. After a discussion of problems of observation, data from two different samples are analysed, first in a classic way: variation with age and pregnancy order, comparison between the rates of abortion for current and previous abortion. Next, detailed data on successive pregnancies are used to derive estimates of the distribution of risk between women. It is concluded that this distribution could and should be taken into account, and that its effects are different from those of age. The possibility of differential continuation rates by outcome of pregnancy is discussed briefly, in connection with previous points.     

Marital Status and Social Well-Being: Are the Married Always Better Off?

This study uses pooled cross-section time-series data, over the years 1982, 1992 and 2000, to estimate the impact of various restrictive abortion laws on the demand for abortion. This study complements and extends prior research by explicitly including the price of obtaining an abortion in the estimation. The empirical results show that the real price of an abortion has a statistically and numerically significant negative impact on abortion demand. Over the period 1982–2000 approximately 20% of the decline in the incidence of abortion was due solely to the increase in the real price of obtaining an abortion. A state Medicaid funding restriction of abortion and a parental involvement law reduce the abortion demand, but a state waiting period and a mandatory counseling law have no statistically significant impact on the abortion demand. The empirical results also provide support for the hypothesis that increases in abortion costs not only reduce the number of abortions, but also reduce the number of pregnancies by altering women’s sexual/contraceptive practices.

The Impact of State Abortion Policies on Teen Pregnancy Rates

The availability of abortion provides insurance against unwanted pregnancies since abortion is the only birth control method which allows women to avoid an unwanted birth once they are pregnant. Restrictive state abortion policies, which increase the cost of obtaining an abortion, may increase women’s incentive to alter their pregnancy avoidance behavior, thereby reducing the likelihood of unwanted pregnancies. This study, using state-level data for the years 1982, 1992, and 2000, examines the impact of restrictive state abortion laws on teen pregnancy rates. The empirical results indicate that the price of an abortion, Medicaid funding restrictions, and informed consent laws reduce teen, minor teen and non-minor teen pregnancy rates. The empirical results suggest that these abortion policy restrictions affect the unprotected sexual activity of teens resulting in fewer unwanted teen pregnancies.     

Effects on pregnancy outcomes of changes in the North Carolina State Abortion Fund

Extending work of Cook et al. (1999, 1996), this paper examines abortion funding cutoffs for poor women in North Carolina, a unique setting allowing for a strong quasi-experimental design. Using vital registration data and additional administrative data from North Carolina, we decompose program effects on the abortion/birth ratio into two components: coverage (i.e., the proportion of all abortions that are state funded) and substitutability (the proportion of state funded abortions that would have been births in the absence of the state program). We show that both components are crucial for understanding the effects of fund cutoffs and that both components vary by age and by race. We offer explanations for these differences. Overall, we conclude that: the North Carolina State Abortion Fund (SAF) had powerful and pervasive effects: i.e., the SAF cutoffs reduced abortions and increased births.     

Fighting erosion of abortion rights

To get a feeling for the proposed abortion funding cutoff in the U.S. Congress, Zero Population Growth questioned the staffs of all but 3 new members of Congress. In the House 26 new members favored the funding cut, 10 were opposed, and 33 did not have definite positions. In the Senate 7 supported the cutoff, 6 were opposed, and 4 did not have known positions. 8 states have passed a resoultion calling for a constitutional convention to amend the Constitution to prohibit abortion, 3 have defeated such resolutions, and 13 more states have resolutions pending with 10 more expected to be introduced this year. Legislation covering pregnancy under worker insurance plans may be threatened by an amendment which would exclude abortions from coverage. Groups concerned with a woman's right to choose abortion are meeting to work out strategy to fight this erosion of abortion rights.     

Inferences about abortion from foetal mortality data

Abstract In a longitudinal fertility study in Detroit the evidence indicates that the foetal mortality rate in the prospective periods are better reported than in retrospective parts of the fertility histories. While the data do not specifically differentiate between induced abortions and other foetal deaths, the foetal death rates vary in relation to other social and demographic characteristics of the couples in such a way as make induced abortion a consistently plausible explanation of differentials. Foetal mortality rates tend to be high among sub-groups which have the incentive, information and the financial means for induced abortions. If these inferences are correct, it is likely that there is a considerable practice of induced abortion.     

Family cap provisions and changes in births and abortions

As part of welfare reform efforts in the 1990s, 23 states implemented family caps, provisions that deny or reduce cash assistance to welfare recipients who have additional births. We use birth and abortion records from 24 states to estimate effects of family caps on birth and abortion rates. We use age, marital status, and completed schooling to identify women at high risk for use of public assistance, and parity (number of previous live births) to identify those most directly affected by the family cap. In family cap states, birth rates fell more and abortion rates rose more among high-risk women with at least one previous live birth compared to similar childless women, consistent with an effect of the family cap. However, this parity-specific pattern of births and abortions also occurred in states that implemented welfare reform with no family cap. Thus, the effects of welfare reform may have differed between mothers and childless women, but there is little evidence of an independent effect of the family cap.     

Family cap provisions and changes in births and abortions

As part of welfare reform efforts in the 1990s, 23 states implemented family caps, provisions that deny or reduce cash assistance to welfare recipients who have additional births. We use birth and abortion records from 24 states to estimate effects of family caps on birth and abortion rates. We use age, marital status, and completed schooling to identify women at high risk for use of public assistance, and parity (number of previous live births) to identify those most directly affected by the family cap. In family cap states, birth rates fell more and abortion rates rose more among high-risk women with at least one previous live birth compared to similar childless women, consistent with an effect of the family cap. However, this parity-specific pattern of births and abortions also occurred in states that implemented welfare reform with no family cap. Thus, the effects of welfare reform may have differed between mothers and childless women, but there is little evidence of an independent effect of the family cap.     

We must complete the population control system to control the population peak and achieve our population goal]

Since 1986, China has experienced another baby boom which is expected to last till 1997. If no effective measure is implemented to check population growth, the population target of around 1.2 billion will not be achieved. The author proposed four population regulation mechanisms that need to be strengthened. First, ideological education needs to be used to change people's perceptions about family size, so that couples would willingly accept small families. Second, financial incentives and penalties need to be used to direct people to regulate their fertility. The incentive and penalty technique directly affect the interests of the family and is likely to produce rapid results. Third, legislation can be used to regulate reproductive behavior, the laws and legislation which restrict social behavior should be utilized for population control purposes. Once legislation on fertility regulation is passed, those who violate the law can be penalized. Furthermore, legislation gives family planning (FP) workers legitimacy in implementing the program and can help avoid disputes in the process of FP program implementation. Fourth, provision of contraception and abortion services is an important mechanism to ensure the realization of the objectives of population growth control. Meanwhile, the effectiveness of contraceptive methods and the acceptance of abortion depends on the research and development of contraceptive technology and on abortion techniques. These fertility regulatory mechanisms have not be adequately established, and their functions have not been fully utilized. The current FP program is hampered by simplistic ideological education, abusive use of incentives and penalties, lack of legislation, and unmet needs in contraceptive development. To achieve the population targets, these mechanisms need to be strengthened.     

The Effect of Anti-Abortion Legislation on Nineteenth Century Fertility

Using nineteenth century legal information combined with census information, I examine the effect of state laws that restricted American women’s access to abortion on the ratio of children to women. I estimate an increase in the birthrate of 4 % to 12 % when abortion is restricted. In the absence of anti-abortion laws, fertility would have been 5 % to 12 % lower in the early twentieth century.     

Fertility effects of abortion and birth control pill access for minors

This article empirically assesses whether age-restricted access to abortion and the birth control pill influence minors’ fertility in the United States. There is not a strong consensus in previous literature regarding the relationship between laws restricting minors’ access to abortion and minors’ birthrates. This is the first study to recognize that state laws in place prior to the 1973 Roe v. Wade decision enabled minors to legally consent to surgical treatment—including abortion—in some states but not in others, and to construct abortion access variables reflecting this. In this article, age-specific policy variables measure either a minor’s legal ability to obtain an abortion or to obtain the birth control pill without parental involvement. I find fairly strong evidence that young women’s birthrates dropped as a result of abortion access as well as evidence that birth control pill access led to a drop in birthrates among whites.     

出生性别比综合治理:有所为,有所不为

从1980年我国出生性别比越过正常值域至今,党和各级政府制订了种种措施进行综合治理,但取得的成效甚微。这一时期我国治理工作的特点有:重视禁止性法律法规的制定,但与之相配套的规章制度比较缺乏;重视目标任务的提出,但落实目标的措施比较缺乏;部门性、专项性规章制度较多,综合性规章制度比较缺乏。今后一段时期内综合治理工作,可以按照避实就虚、避难就易的原则,在大力发展社会经济、建立健全社会养老制度、相关法律法规的制定与完善、加大对两非行为的打击力度等方面有所作为;而在人口生育政策的调整、传统文化的改变等方面有所不为。     

Estimates of the abortion demand of young and older teenagers

This study estimates the demand for abortion by younger (ages 15–17) and older (ages 18–19) teenagers. The empirical results show, for both age groups, abortion demand is price inelastic and a normal good with respect to income. Teenage abortion demand is also found to be positively related to labor force participation and state Medicaid funding and negatively related to religiosity and unemployment. State family planning programs, AFDC benefits, and parental involvement laws are found not to be significant determinants of teenage abortion demand.     

选择与限制:生育过程中的终止妊娠措施——基于规范和实践层面的价值权衡

终止妊娠问题在规范层面一是作为对于违反计划生育规定生育子女的行为所采取的纠正措施之一而存在的;二是对基于非医学需要性别鉴定/选择的终止妊娠的禁止,但存在当事人终止妊娠的动机难以确定、控制性别比例的初衷难以实现、对符合生育条件的妇女与不符合生育条件的妇女区别对待、缺乏设定行政许可的上位法依据等问题。在实践层面上,选择性别的终止妊娠未得到真正禁止。规范与实践层面问题背后的出路在于厘清问题所涉及到的权利冲突,并对其进行价值权衡。     

From humor to horror: genre and narrative purpose in abortion stories on American television

A recent increase in the number of comedic films and television programs that include abortion stories has prompted a cultural conversation about whether this is an appropriate treatment for such a topic: Can abortions be funny? Are there any genres that should not include plotlines about abortion? Indeed, most prior examinations of abortion on television have focused on dramas and their impact, without explicitly exploring the ways different genres offer a range of types of stories and creative opportunities. Using a comprehensive data-set of abortion plotlines on American television, this analysis provides a historical overview of how varying genres have addressed abortion in the past, as well as closer case studies within each of five genres: drama, soap opera, horror, science fiction, and comedy. This paper provides insight into the different narrative functions of abortion stories, with consideration of how such narratives support (in)accurate and (de)stigmatizing cultural ideas about abortion.