Immigration,Bureaucracies and Policy Formulation: The Case of Quebec

Based on an ethnography of one illuminating case – the formulation of new immigration policy statement entitled “Together, we are Quebec” between 2014 and 2016 – this article argues that policy formulation is an important site of power and influence over immigration-related policies for bureaucrats. In dialogue with concepts and theories from public administration, it demonstrates that a broad mandate of reform and modernization, coupled with political tensions surrounding diversity, created opportunities for the bureaucracy to influence Quebec's immigration policy following its interests, relations, expertise and experience. In this case, the bureaucracy's influence operated through two pathways: problem definition and consensus building. While this influence is partially contingent on political and institutional characteristics of the Quebec context, this case shows that scholarship on immigration policy and politics should embrace a much broader reading of the influence of bureaucrats on the content and development of immigration-related policies.     

Immigration and structural change: the Canadian experience, 1971-1986

"The educational, occupational, industrial and income characteristics of immigrants in Canada, 1971-1986, are considered in the context of postindustrial structural changes in the economic and social system, including declining primary and secondary sectors. Seven alternative theoretical models are reviewed. A composite model of 'segmented structural change' is found to correspond more closely than alternative theoretical perspectives to the empirical evidence. Specifically, immigrants are found at all levels of the system, but there is differential incorporation by gender, ethnicity and period of immigration. Recent immigrants from Third World countries tend to be disadvantaged."     

Psychological and cultural foundations of prejudice: The case of anti-Semitism in Quebec

Cette communication documente l'existence de niveaux d'antisémitisme et d'ethnocentrisme systématiquement plus élevés au Québec qu'ailleurs au Canada, puis examine les facteurs socioculturels, psychologiques et politiques qui sous-tendent ce phénomène. L'analyse des données de l'Enquěte sur la Charte des droits et libertés révèle que les facteurs socioculturels jouent le rǒle prépondérant. Plus particulièrement, la plus forte propension des Québécois à voir les Juifs d'un oeil défavorable est en grande partie attribuable à une plus grande valorisation de la conformité dans la culture québécoise. Ainsi, les Québécois diffèrent des autres canadiens non pas tant parce qu'ils souscrivent à tout l'éventail des préjugés antisémites, mais parce qu'ils acceptent les caractérisations négatives des Juifs sans se poser des questions. D'après les auteurs, l'antisémitisme au Québec ne s'explique ni par le nationalisme politique ni par des traits de personalité. La communication traite également de diverses questions concernant la méthodologie à employer pour mesurer l'antisémitisme. Documenting consistently higher levels of anti-Semitism and ethnocentrism in Quebec than elsewhere in Canada, this article investigates the sources of this prejudice in socio-cultural, psychological and political factors. Analysis of survey data from the Charter of Rights Study show that socio-cultural factors are most important. In particular, the greater readiness of Quebeckers to look unfavourably on Jews is largely a consequence of the high value placed upon conformity in Quebec culture. Quebeckers therefore differ from other Canadians not primarily in a willingness to subscribe to a full syndrome of anti-Semitic sentiments, but in casually accepting negative characterizations of Jews. Anti-Semitism in Quebec is found not to be related to nationalist political sentiments, nor is it substantially personality-driven. A variety of methodological issues pertaining to the measurement of anti-Semitism are also discussed.     

The cultural division of labour in the Canadian North: a statistical study of the Inuit

Les développements sur l'identité ethnique des Inuit et sur les origines historiques de la dépendance dans le Nord canadien ne fournissent pas de théorie capable de rendre compte des différences dans l'intégration des Inuit au Labrador, dans la partie artique du Québec. Nous y sommes parvenus à la suite de notre analyse, en évaluant la validité d'un type de colonialisme interne pour le Nord canadien, qui poserait a priori l'existence d'une division ethnique du travail. Cette théorie s'appuie sur des données fournies surtout par le recensement. Celles-ci se regroupent autour des modes de participation de la population active Inuit, le maintien de l'identité et la survie de la langue.
Discussions of Inuit ethnic identity and of the historical origins of dependency in the Canadian North often fall short of an adequate theory capable of explaining the varying patterns of Inuit integration in Labrador, Arctic Quebec, and the eastern and western Northwest Territories. Our analysis does this by evaluating the validity of an internal colonialism model for the Canadian North, which posits the existence of a cultural division of labour. Data to support this contention are drawn largely from census material. The data focus is on patterns of Inuit labour force participation, identity maintenance and language retention.     

Immigration policies that include or exclude: a South African public opinion study of immigration policy preferences

South Africa is a regional hub for migration on the African continent and is home to a growing documented international migrant community. Foreigners in the country, however, often face violations of their established rights and are the victims of abuse. This paper examines public support for policies that would exclude international migrants from the country. Data from the 2013 South African Social Attitudes Survey, a nationally representative opinion poll (N = 2739) of all adults in the country, are used. This poll found that many South Africans favoured restrictive immigration policies and opposed granting foreigners the same rights as citizens. Multivariate analysis is employed to discern determinants of this opposition. Respondents’ perceptions of the population sizes of foreigners in their communities did not affect support for inclusion. It can be inferred, therefore, that the growth of the immigrant population has not provoked exclusionary attitudes in the country. Rather, results revealed, it is national pride (cultural versus political) and fears about the consequences of immigration that drive such attitudes. Programmes and policies designed to improve public perceptions of how foreigner impact society and the promotion of a nationalism characterised by inclusive multicultural civic patriotism may improve public support for the inclusion of international immigrants.     

Population movement in Zhejiang province,China: the impact of government policies

"China's urbanization policies include strict control of permanent migration to large cities, but encourage the growth of small cities and towns. Concurrently, temporary migration is widely permitted as a way to stimulate commerce. Data for Zhejiang province indicate that permanent mobility is largely directed toward urban places, that towns gain more than cities and that rural areas experience migration losses. Permanent migrants to urban places are selective of the better educated. Temporary migration is also urban directed but greater in volume than permanent migration, and places considerable strain on urban infrastructure. Government policies are a key to understanding the migration streams and migrant characteristics. The considerable net movement into cities suggests that strict control of city growth is more difficult to achieve than envisaged by policymakers." This is a revised version of a paper originally presented at the 1989 Annual Meeting of the Population Association of America (see Population Index, Vol. 55, No. 3, Fall 1989, p. 386).     

Employment after spinal cord injury: the impact of government policies in Canada

The British Columbia Paraplegic Association (BCPA) sought a research partnership to evaluate where its activities should be focused. A survey of members with disabilities of the BCPA included questions on employment and identified three priorities related to employment. These were the need for assistance in finding appropriate work, the impact of policies of government and insurance agencies, and attitudes of employers. This paper examines the social and political environment related to employment following spinal cord injury in British Columbia, Canada. There is no coherent set of goals underlying government employment and income programs in Canada. Incremental development of particular employment and income programs during the 20th century led to a patchwork of policies and programs, which deal with people differently according to the cause of their disability. Federal and provincial governments have attempted to educate employers and reduce barriers to employment of those with disabilities by focusing on anti-discrimination legislation and individual rights (e.g. the Employment Equity Act and the Canadian Human Rights Act). However, people with disabilities face non-accommodating environments, inadequate income support, lack of opportunities and little political influence which stem from an unfair distribution of societal resources, not from discrimination. Joint efforts of the BCPA and other disability organizations are likely to have the most impact on legislative changes.     

Going global and staying local: nation-building discourses in Singapore's cultural policies

Utilizing the ‘Singapore Story’, this study will explore cultural policies implemented and aimed towards cosmopolitanism, and how these policies have affected the international arts scene, which has led to a polarization within the community by excluding the elderly and disadvantaged members of the population from participating. Singapore's cultural policy has served the function of nation-building and at the same time goes with globalisation and thus calls for constructing a cosmopolitan yet patriotic citizen in terms of identity. This article considers the role of nationalism as a guide to the understanding of cultural policy discourses and argues that a top-down cosmopolitan construction of national identity in cultural policy discourses lacks representation of people's daily life.     

Rehabilitating the Criminality of Immigrants Under Section 19 of the Canadian Immigration Act1

Immigration has historically been associated with moral entrepreneurship and xenophobia. In periods of high unemployment and global dislocation, immigrants easily become the targets of political commentators who complain of their criminality, morals, demand on public services, and competition for scarce employment. In this exercise, looking at the recidivism of immigrants who come to Canada with a previous, foreign criminal history, quite a different picture emerges. Among this random sample (N=204), 97.5 percent of immigrants granted a rehabilitation waiver under the provisions of the Canadian Immigration Act were not re‐arrested in Canada within a period of about 3.5 years after their landing was approved by the Minister. Of those who were arrested, most of the delinquency was manageable and, in fact, resulted in either an acquittal, diversion or lower‐range sanctions. This is not the kind of imagery complained of by the tabloids or critics in the body politic. It behooves us, then, to exercise care in discussing crime and immigration, as it is a subject easily prone to the creation of “moral panics” and resulting repressive legislation against persons of color.     

Social stratification,voting behaviour,and the images of Canadian federal political parties*

Nous servant des sondages faits sur les élections nationales canadiennes de 1965 et 1968, nous développons l'analyse d'ogmundson sur l'esprit de vote des différentes classes sociales, dans l'enquête de 1965. Dans son étude, il comparait les résultats obtenus quand les orientations de classes des partis politiques étaient formulées de trois façons possibles: d'après les jugements des experts, d'après la moyenne des évaluations données par les répondants du sondage de 1965, et d'après les estimations idiosyncratiques de chaque répondant. Les deux derniers critères étaient pris des évaluations de chaque parti, selon une échelle sémantique à sept points, qui avait, comme points axiaux: “pour la classe moyenne” opposéà“pour la classe ouvrière.” Notre analyse répond à trois questions: premièrement, si les découvertes de base d'Ogmundson pour 1965 tiennent pour 1968; deuxièmernent, si les évaluations sur les partis par les répondants, d'aprés une deuxième échelle établie parles points “de gauche” opposées à“de droite,” donnent des résultats comparables, aussi bien sur les échelles que dans les sondages. Finalement, en utilisant une analyse de facteur, s'il y a, sur l'ensemble de treize échelles employées dans chaque enquête, quelque évidence d'un facteur de classe dans les évaluations données aux partis. La réponse est affirmative pour la première question et négative pour la seconde. Dans le cas de la troisième, un seul facteur fixe apparaît pour chaque parti, comme décrit par ses électeurs. La structure de ce facteur est commune à tous les partis dans les deux élections, et cela n'a pas grand chose à faire avec les orientations de classe perçues par les répondants. On explore toujours les implications théoriques de ces données. Using the 1965 and 1968 Canadian national election surveys, we extend Ogmundson's analysis of the “class” vote in the 1965 survey. He compared the results obtained when the class orientations of political parties were defined in three alternative ways: according to the judgments of experts: according to the mean ratings given by respondents in the 1965 survey; and according to each respondent's idiosyncratic ratings. The latter two criteria were taken from ratings of each party along a 7–point semantic differential-type scale which had as its end points “for the middle class” v. “for the working class.” Our analysis answers three questions: first, whether Ogrnundson's basic findings for 1965 hold also for 1968: second, whether respondents' ratings of the parties along a second scale anchored by “left-wing” v. “right-wing” yield comparable results across scales and Surveys; third, using factor analysis, whether there is any evidence for a class-based theme in the ratings given parties on the set of thirteen scales employed in each survey. The answer is affirmative to the first question and negative to the second question. In the case of the third question, a single unrotated factor emerged for each party as described by its voters. The structure of this factor was common to all parties in both elections, and it appeared to have very little to do with their perceived class orientations. Theoretical implications of these findings are explored.     

Another economy: towards a cultural dialectics between energy and society

The looming oil crisis, pollution, and climate change have pushed governments, corporations, and individuals to think of new policies, new objects/products and new manners to market them – usually under the label of “green economy” (or the shifting towards a sustainable economy).

The changes that are on the way as a result of the envisaged “green revolution” need a broad vision that couples the economy of energetic techniques with the related socio-cultural economy that is induced by, and at the same time reciprocally influences, the mere technical transformations.

Based on previous analysis of theories of socio-technological change and putting at its center the concept of subjectivation in social sciences, this article proposes a theoretical understanding of cultural shifts and their relationship with changes in the practices of production, transfer and use of energy.

First part presents a schema of subjectivation in triangulation, that links the biological level with the material culture and with the representational realm of normativities in our society. It will be developed through the example of electric vehicle as metaphor of the energetic transition. Through this understanding, second part deals with the modeling of the three items as a processual energetic system by using the concepts of surplus and expenditure. Within this frame, we show how disruptions in one of the poles of this model influences the others and bring about changes in the entire Anthropo-Social level. Third part proposes possible types of emerging subjectivities and advances the idea of extending the realm of consciousness to the energetic transfers and their potentiality.     

Work and mental health: the experience of the Quebec workforce between 1987 and 1998

This study examines the distribution of psychological distress in twelve occupational groups over the decade 1987-1998 in the Quebec workforce. Cross-sectional data from the three phases of the Quebec Health and Social Survey are used with n = 9,450 in 1987, n = 10,947 in 1992 and n = 10,960 in 1998, totalling 31,357 workers aged 15 and over. Occupations are classified according to the Canadian Socio-economic Classification of Occupations. Prevalence estimates for occupational groups are computed and logistic regression analyses are conducted controlling for gender, age and marital status. The results show that the prevalence of workers with psychological distress increased sharply between 1987 and 1992 and declined back in 1998 but still increased compared to 1987. However, only non-qualified white collars, semi-qualified blue collars and male non-qualified blue collars show a significant increment in psychological distress over time. Analysis of the differentials in the prevalence of psychological distress gives greater odds of distress for supervisors, semi-qualified white and blue collar workers compared to upper managers. The odds for occupations are stable over time, gender, age and marital status. The odds of female workers significantly decreased in the three phases. It appears that the restructuring of the work environment and the perturbations in the larger society promoted an increase of psychological distress within definite segments of the workforce. The specific contribution of occupation is limited but supervisors and occupations requiring lower qualifications are more at risk regarding mental health at work.