DOES ANTIREGIME ACTION UNDER COMMUNIST RULE AFFECT POLITICAL PROTEST AFTER THE FALL?

This article addresses the effects of political protest at a certain time on the actors' protest at a later time. I argue that if there is an effect it is indirect: political protest leads to a change in certain variables that affect participation at a later time. In a first step, these variables are specified, based on previous research. It is assumed that public goods preferences (i.e., political, economic, social discontent, and political alienation), weighted by perceived personal influence, a felt obligation to protest, and integration into protest-promoting networks are the major causes for participation in political protest. In a next step, I propose a theory specifying the effects of protest participation on these variables. The hypotheses are tested by panel data collected in Leipzig (East Germany) referring to the situations of 1989 and 1993. The most important results are that participation in antiregime action in 1989 led to political, social, and economic satisfaction and increased perceived political influence in 1993. There were no effects of participation in the protests in 1989 on accepting felt obligations to protest and on integration into protest-promoting networks in 1993.     

Young Urban African American Adolescents' Experience of Discretionary Time Activities

This cross‐sectional study examined the daily discretionary time experiences of 246 (107 boys, 139 girls) fifth through eighth grade urban African American adolescents using the Experience Sampling Method. Relations between the types of activities (i.e., active structured, active unstructured, passive unstructured) engaged in during discretionary time and self‐reported levels of motivated engagement, positive affect, confidence, and perceived alienation were explored. Results indicated that active structured activities occupied a small but important amount of young adolescents' discretionary time. Adolescents experienced the highest mean levels of motivated engagement and confidence, and the lowest mean levels of alienation when involved in these types of activities. Higher levels of positive affect were associated with participation in active as opposed to passive activities. Findings suggest that urban African American young adolescents experience more positive emotional states when they are involved in active, structured activities.     

The Over‐Scheduling Hypothesis Revisited: Intensity of Organized Activity Participation During Adolescence and Young Adult Outcomes

Concern exists that youth who spend a lot of time participating in organized out‐of‐school activities (e.g., sports) are at‐risk for poor developmental outcomes. This concern—called the over‐scheduling hypothesis—has primarily been assessed in terms of adolescent adjustment. This longitudinal study of a nationally representative sample of 1,115 youth (ages 12–18) assessed long‐term relations between intensity of participation during adolescence and adjustment at young adulthood (ages 18–24). Time diaries measured intensity as hours per week of participation. Results showed that, controlling for demographic factors and baseline adjustment, intensity was a significant predictor of positive outcomes (e.g., psychological flourishing, civic engagement, and educational attainment) and unrelated to indicators of problematic adjustment (e.g., psychological distress, substance use, and antisocial behavior) at young adulthood.     

Rethinking mediated political engagement: social media ambivalence and disconnective practices of politically active youths in Hong Kong

Social media have been widely credited for facilitating young people’s political engagement, most notably by providing a conducive platform for political expression. There has been comparatively little attention, however, to the possible pitfalls for young people when they engage in politics on social media. In this study, we seek to redress the overemphasis on the strengths and connectivity of social media by attending to how young people negotiate their drawbacks and disconnectivity. Through in-depth interviews with young participants of Hong Kong’s Umbrella Movement, we examine the choices and motives regarding mediated (non-)participation among a group of politically active youths. Our findings revealed that these young people’s social media ambivalence emerged from the major participatory experience. Despite their active and open informational sharing and political expression on social media alongside their in-person participation during the eventful protest, many young participants became wary of such expressive use owing to their perceptions of de-energization, disconnectedness, and disembodiment. Instead of completely withdrawing from political activities on social media, these politically inclined and technologically savvy youths embraced “disconnective practices” – passive engagement (lurking), selective expression (moderation and exposure-limitation), and offline participation (embodied collective action) – to avoid the overwhelming, fractious, and inauthentic conditions of mediated participation.     

Who Protests in America: An Analysis of Three Political Alternatives—Inaction,Institutionalized Politics,or Protest

Theories of social movements and collective action typically present social protest as one of three alternatives available to the individual: inaction, institutionalized political action, or protest. These political alternatives are rarely considered simultaneously nor are they modeled explicitly. In this paper we make use of survey data from a representative sample of the United States population. We employ multinomial logistic regression to determine what differentiates those who protest from those who engage only in institutionalized politics and from those who engage in no political action. We find that those who engage in social protest are similar in many respects to those who engage actively in institutionalized politics, yet education on social and political issues, participation in community organizations, and frequent church attendance increases the likelihood that individuals will engage in protest relative to institutionalized politics.     

WOMEN'S SOCIAL MOVEMENT INVOLVEMENT:

Data derived from three years of field work illuminate women's participation in a working class, community-based environmental protest organization. Findings show that (1) initial recruitment occur through women's social networks, activating the structurally available; (2) structural availability continues to figure significantly in the ongoing mobilization process in determining who performs which tasks; and (3) the practical necessity that drives women to change their gender role behavior in the social movement organization subsequently prompts similar changes in their domestic lives.     

The ‘proper’ way to spread ideas through social media: exploring the affordances and constraints of different social media platforms as perceived by Italian activists

Social media have become a relevant arena for different forms of civic engagement and activism. This article focuses on the affordances and constraints of different social media platforms as they are perceived by Italian activists. Instead of focusing on single protest movements, or on single platforms, we adopt a media ecological approach and consider a variety of environments where people can choose to express protest‐related content. Our main goal is to explore whether, and how, the affordances and constraints of different social media platforms are perceived by users, and how such perceived differences are integrated in everyday social media activities. To this end, we combined in‐depth interviews with an adapted version of the cognitive walkthrough and thinking aloud techniques. Respondents reported that they act on social media platforms according to specific representations of what each platform ‘is’, and how it works. Such perceptions affect users’ protest‐related social media practices. Although they perceive major social media platforms filtering strategies and are aware, to different extents, of their commodified nature, they report continuing to use them for activism‐related communication, often adopting an instrumental approach.     

The working alliance between homeless young adults and workers: A dyadic approach

The development of a strong working alliance between homeless young adults and their social workers is seen as a critical component in the recovery process. The purpose of this study was to examine the composition of the working alliance between homeless young adults and their social workers, and its association with self-determination, resilience and quality of life. A sample of 102 homeless young adults and 32 social workers from ten Dutch shelter facilities participated. Homeless young adults were interviewed twice: when entering the facility (baseline) and sixth months after baseline or when care ended earlier. Social workers were questioned about the working alliance at follow-up. Data were analyzed by using a one-with-many design. Results showed that homeless young adults who generally reported strong alliances with their social worker, do not have a social worker who generally reported strong alliances (generalized reciprocity). In addition, if a young adult reported to have an especially strong alliance with his worker, this worker did not necessarily reported to have a strong alliance in return (dyadic reciprocity). Homeless young adults who perceived a stronger working alliance with their social worker than other young adults, who were supported by the same social worker, improved more on self-determination than young adults who reported to have a weaker alliance. Our results indicate that the working alliance is important in achieving outcomes. A dialogical approach should be encouraged in which young adults feel valued and safe enough to express their expectations and to build a strong working alliance.     

Adult Voluntary Associations and Adolescent Socialization*

The effect of participation in extracurricular activities in high school on membership in adult voluntary associations is examined using longitudinal data from a national sample of adolescents who were followed up in 1970 at about age 30. Independent of social origins, ability, and academic performance, participation in extracurricular school activities has a relatively strong direct effect on participation in adult secondary associations, plus positive indirect effects mediated through educational attainment, occupation and income. Membership in adult voluntary associations, in turn, increases voting behavior and decreases political alienation, thus demonstrating the very broad and long term effects of adolescent socialization in ultimately linking the individual to the political order. The results were similar for men and women.     

The generalized action potential of protest movements: The new class,social trends,and political exclusion explanations

Three explanations have been advanced to account for the generalized action potential of contemporary protest movements: the rise of the new class, a set of general social trends that cumulatively lead to liberalized social values and loosened social restraints against protest, and the mobilization of excluded groups. Analyzing three dimensions of generalized action potential—protest potential, political action repertoires, and protest movement support—we find support for all three explanations. Educated salaried professionals, especially sociocultural and public sector professionals, display greater protest potential, especially for civil disobedience, and are supportive of emerging “middle class” movements. A set of general social trends centering on increased education, life-cycle and generational change, secularism, and increased women's autonomy also create greater action potential. Reflecting mobilization against political exclusion, African Americans display a consistently strong generalized action potential. These protests reflect the rise of new political repertoires, particularly “protest activism,” which combines protest with high levels of conventional participation and is centered among the more educated.     

Anti-R.O.T.C. Sit-in: a Sociological Analysis*

This study compares social characteristics, political and protest activities, and the impact of social control violence on participants and nonparticipants in a sit-in ending in arrest at Kent State University. The findings show that participants are different from the nonparticipants on several variables including college major, religious preference, personal political position and parents' political position. Participants and nonparticipants were similar to one another in grade point average, financial dependence on parents, parents' total income and parents' education levels. Participants report more political and protest activities and indicate that social control violence did not “pacify” or reduce the level of their activism.     

The Social Consequences of Participating in the Ethnic Economy1

This study examines the effects of working in ethnic economy on social integration of immigrants. The analysis is based on a recently completed survey of the Chinese ethnic economy in Toronto. Our findings show that working in ethnic economies hampers participation in the social activities of the wider society. Results also suggest that those who gave a favorable evaluation of their own group, those who are independent class and family class immigrants have a higher likelihood of participation in social activities in the wider society. However, if those immigrants participate in an ethnic economy, they have significantly less participation in social activities in the wider society. Although previous research has documented that employment in ethnic economy is an “alternative avenue” for immigrants to achieve economic advancement in a new country, our study suggests that the social cost is substantial.     

Youth,activism, and social movements

There has been considerable debate over the extent and role of young people's political participation. Whether considering popular hand‐wringing over concerns about declines in young people's institutional political participation or dismissals of young people's use of online activism, many frame youth engagement through a “youth deficit” model that assumes that adults need to politically socialize young people. However, others argue that young people are politically active and actively involved in their own political socialization, which is evident when examining youth participation in protest, participatory politics, and other forms of noninstitutionalized political participation. Moreover, social movement scholars have long documented the importance of youth to major social movements. In this article, we bring far flung literatures about youth activism together to review work on campus activism; young people's political socialization, their involvement in social movement organizations, their choice of tactics; and the context in which youth activism takes place. This context includes the growth of movement societies, the rise of fan activism, and pervasive Internet use. We argue that social movement scholars have already created important concepts (e.g., biographical availability) and questions (e.g., biographical consequences of activism) from studying young people and urge additional future research.     

Meeting the Needs of Vulnerable Young Men: A Study of Service Provider Views

This article uses a qualitative approach to elicit the views of 31 professionals who provide services to vulnerable young men. The findings reveal six key themes following focus group interviews: (i) the importance of masculinity in explaining problematic behaviour; (ii) the misuse of alcohol and drugs; (iii) alienation and social isolation; (iv) concerns about suicide and self‐harm; (v) the quality of existing services; and (vi) recommendations for changes to services. Service providers generally acknowledged the social context in explaining these behaviours and argued for enhanced services and a more developed skills base in working with vulnerable young men.     

Dissecting the Conditions of Political Protest. An Exploration of Interaction Effects in the Explanation of Political Protest

This study addresses the conditions for the participation in protest activities. Starting from social psychological value expectancy theory and the theory of collective action, we study the effects of political discontent, perceived political influence (efficacy), norms to participate, identity, and membership in protest encouraging networks (“social incentives”) on protest. This study challenges the common assumption that these factors have additive effects only and provides a detailed analysis of interaction effects. Another contribution is the theoretical derivation of interaction effects. Our empirical analyses refer to the protests in Leipzig (East Germany) in 1989 under communist rule. Two‐way interactions are found between the following pairs of variables: discontent, influence, and norms. “Identity” (i.e., identification with West Germany) only interacts with discontent. Furthermore, identification is a surrogate for discontent: If identification is strong, discontent no longer influences protest. If identification is weak, increasing discontent raises protest.     

Student Participation in Civil Rights Protest: A Multivariate Analysis

Abstract

The relative strength of several social background factors, personality attributes, and perceptions of the social environment were tested in predicting self-reported participation in protest activity by college students. The data were obtained from a large random sample of students at Washington State University during the winter of 1969–70.

Findings indicate that 20 percent of the sample participated in protest activities, a figure somewhat higher than those reported by surveys taken of universities across the country. Six variables entered the multiple regression equation, accounting for 17 percent of the variance in protest behavior. The six variables, in order of strength of contribution, were perceived injustice in state institutions, frustration in school roles, self-esteem, size of parental community, perception of rate of social change in American society, and perception of local community injustice.     

Developmental Outcomes for Children of Young Mothers

This study tested the association between mother’s early age at first birth and various life outcomes for her children in later adolescence and early adulthood. Data were analyzed from the Rochester Youth Development Study, an ongoing panel study of adolescents enrolled in seventh or eighth grade in Rochester Public Schools in 1988 (N =729). Boys born to mothers who began childbearing before age 19 had elevated risks of drug use, gang membership, unemployment, and early parenthood. Girls born to young mothers only had elevated risks of early parenthood. Of the mediators tested, low maternal education had the largest mediating effects. The findings suggest that the risks associated with being born to a young mother are substantial but perhaps disproportionately so for boys.     

Do Social Networks Really Matter in Contentious Politics?

A considerable number of studies in the social movement literature stress that social networks are a key factor for those participating in political protest. However, since empirical evidence does not universally support this thesis, we propose to examine three core questions. Do networks really matter for participants in political protest? Are social networks important for all types of protest? Finally, what are social networks and in which ways are they important? By answering these questions this paper aims to provide three contributions to social movement literature: first, we want to put networks in their place and not reifying their influence on participation processes; second, we describe and explain variations of networks influence on protest participation; third, to pursue the theoretical reflection initiated by Kitts, McAdam, and Passy on the specification of network effect on contentious participation, that is, to disentangle the different processes at stake. Many scholars argue for empirical works analyzing the link between networks and cognition, but this remains a pious wish. Here, we propose to systematically examine the effect of social interactions on activists' cognitive toolkit.     

DOING WELL BY DOING GOOD:

The popular assumption that volunteer work helps people get good jobs is tested using panel data from the Young Women's Module of the National Longitudinal Survey of Labor Market Experience. Volunteering while a young adult has no effect on whether women will be working for pay eighteen years later, but it has a positive effect on the occupational status of those who are. Length of time spent in the labor force between early adulthood and middle age suppresses the positive effect of volunteering on occupational status. A separate analysis of women who display more commitment to working for pay by being in the labor force in both 1973 and 1991 shows the same positive effect of volunteer work on occupational status.     

Slight Expectations: Making Sense of the “Me Me Me” Generation

Current scholarship on the transition to adulthood focuses on the declining importance of role transitions, such as school completion or marriage, in subjective definitions of adulthood. Recent research finds that in place of traditional markers, young adults emphasize individualistic or psychological attributes as indicators of achieving adulthood. Some scholars and popular writers have interpreted this shift toward personal markers of growth as a sign of narcissism, self‐absorption, and lack of a collective sense of responsibility. Drawing on 100 interviews with working‐class young men and women, I argue that these characterizations of young adults fail to take into account the larger cultural and social context of declining job security, rising inequality, and falling institutional trust. By situating young adults' individualistic, self‐focused accounts of adulthood within the framework of declining loyalty in work, distrust in institutions, and diminishing social support, I demonstrate that working‐class Millennials' use of individualistic criteria of adulthood can be better understood as a strategy for coming to terms with the impossibility of traditional sources of meaning and self‐worth such as work or family.