共查询到19条相似文献,搜索用时 46 毫秒
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1907年7月19日是一个让巴黎人铭记在心的日子,就是在这一天,巴黎的第一条地铁正式开通。斗转星移,如今的巴黎地铁已经拥有14条线路和5条地区快速线路,乘上地铁可以到达巴黎市区和郊区的任何一个角落。当你乘坐地铁列车穿梭在纵横交错的巴黎地铁当中,你不能不感叹一个世纪以来法国人的聪明才智,因为它是世界上最方便、最华丽、最现代化的地铁。巴黎地铁的历史始于1880年,那个时候巴黎只有200万人口,城市的大街小巷挤满了横冲直撞的马车和汽车,混乱的局面不堪回首。实际上早在1845年,有关修建地下铁道的计划就已经递交给政府当局,但这个计划却… 相似文献
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《中国妇女(英文版)》1999,(3)
Wang HongmingTheDawnoftheChineseNation;aftera stage showinPads.Wang Hongming in Paris 相似文献
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《Africa Research Bulletin: Political, Social and Cultural Series》2016,53(6):21034B-21034B
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Onur Acaroglu 《Globalizations》2019,16(4):404-423
ABSTRACTThis article approaches transition as a problem on its own right, through the cases of the Paris Commune of 1871 and the Fatsa ‘Commune’ of 1979. Transition has received scant attention as an object of theoretical inquiry. Prior to Etienne Balibar’s suggestion that the history of the mode of production occurs at the intersections between political struggles and economic contradictions, a theory of transition had not been explicitly explored. Problematizing transition can reveal what is ‘ruptural’ about ruptural moments, indicating the limitations of the prevalent mode of production. This investigation builds on the Althusserian theory of temporal lag, and considers aspects of the cases in order to translate its insights into the historical events, and conversely to develop theoretical initiative based on findings. An examination of outstanding figures and events in the cases suggests that they can inform a theory of transition and address certain challenges of contemporary radicalism. 相似文献
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The Paris Declaration embodies the consensus that country ownership of donor programmes is vital, and above all the principle that donors should base their programmes on developing country priorities. The Organisation for Economic Co‐operation and Development (OECD) has assessed the World Bank as performing relatively well against the Paris targets, though not moving towards full compliance. In Sri Lanka and Côte d'Ivoire, however, the Bank pays only lip service to the governments’ priorities. The Paris commitment is swamped by the influence of the Bank's governing Board and its US‐nominated President, its lending imperative and the professional preoccupations of its staff. Real implementation of the Bank's Paris commitment would entail, ideally, a reform of Bank governance and a contractual mechanism for developing countries to hold the Bank (and other donors) to their Paris promises. Less ambitiously, the Bank and other donors may still take limited but precise action to ensure that country priorities are respected and ownership becomes a reality. In the Bank, it might be enough for the Bank's President to make true adherence to the Paris Declaration a personal priority, and to nominate one of his senior managers to follow up. 相似文献
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Tatjana Lichtenstein 《East European Jewish Affairs》2014,44(1):2-20
This article explores how perceptions of Jewish power shaped the negotiations between Czechoslovak leaders and Jewish minority representatives at the time of the Paris Peace Conference. In the aftermath of the First World War, Prague-based Zionists embarked on a mission to convince Czechoslovak elites that attacks on Jews were detrimental to the internal stability of the new state and to Czechoslovak interests abroad. As Edvard Bene?, the head of the Czechoslovak delegation in Paris, worked to cultivate an image of the new state as more “Western” and “civilised” than other successor states – a strategy meant to garner international support for Czechoslovak territorial demands and its projected absorption of large minority populations – Jewish activists encouraged his uncertainty with regard to Jews' influence on Western audiences and statesmen. They did so in order to convince him to accept their demands for special protection clauses for the new country's Jews. The paper thus shows that the unprecedented victimisation of Jews and the upsurge in antisemitism during and after the war coexisted with a new bold and public Jewish activism. Yet, Jewish leaders did not in the end have the ability to convince Bene? and his colleagues to give in to international Jewish demands for special protection. Instead, they sought to cultivate a strategic alliance between the state's Czech elite and the Jewish minority which centred on the claim that Czechoslovakia was a particularly welcoming and tolerant place for Jews, an image that would evolve into a significant component of the myth of Czechoslovakia as an island of democracy in Eastern Europe. 相似文献
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Andrew Rogerson 《Development policy review : the journal of the Overseas Development Institute》2005,23(5):531-552
The Paris agenda on aid effectivess emphasises support for recipient‐owned development strategies, increased use of national systems and more co‐ordinated and predictable donor actions. Monitorable targets for such behaviour have been agreed, but the connections with expected development benefits are as yet unproven. Alternative views of the rationale for aid agencies, transaction costs and conditionality, in which there is rarely complete preference alignment and trust between donors and recipients, introduce further complications. Four additional policy measures are identified which cannot be managed easily within the Paris agenda: better international balancing of aid allocations; new instruments with longer commitment horizons; liquidity arrangements to enable ‘scaling up’ across several countries; and independent aid rating institutions linked to market‐like sanctions. 相似文献
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Goran Hyden 《Development policy review : the journal of the Overseas Development Institute》2008,26(3):259-274
The new approach to assisting developing countries inspired by the Paris Declaration emphasises greater recipient control over the funds provided, thus confining donors’influence to upstream points in the policy process, where political aspects of development co‐operation become more important. Understanding better the role that power plays in the aid relationship will be critical to the implementation of the Declaration. This article shows how the political science literature can inform this set of issues. It argues that an understanding of aspects of power illuminates the challenges involved in transforming relations between donors and recipient governments as well as between governments and civil society organisations. 相似文献