Population growth and poverty measurement

If the absolute number of poor people goes up, but the fraction of people in poverty comes down, has poverty gone up or gone down? The economist’s instinct, framed by population replication axioms that undergird standard measures of poverty, is to say that in this case poverty has gone down. But this goes against the instinct of those who work directly with the poor, for whom the absolute numbers notion makes more sense as they cope with more poor on the streets or in the soup kitchens. This paper attempts to put these two conceptions of poverty into a common framework. Specifically, it presents an axiomatic development of a family of poverty measures without a population replication axiom. This family has an intuitive link to standard measures, but it also allows one or other of “the absolute numbers” or the “fraction in poverty” conception to be given greater weight by the choice of relevant parameters. We hope that this family will prove useful in empirical and policy work, where it is important to give both views of poverty—the economist’s and the practitioner’s—their due.     

Poverty Dynamics among Recent Immigrants to Canada1

This paper examines two issues: (1) poverty dynamics among successive cohorts of entering immigrants to Canada, and (2) whether rising educational attainment and increasing share in the “skilled” class since the early 1990s has resulted in improvements in poverty entry, exit, and chronic poverty. The entry to poverty is very high during the first year in Canada, but low in subsequent years. The dramatic move toward more labor‐market friendly characteristics of entering immigrants had only a very small effect on poverty outcomes, in part because the relative advantage of holding a degree diminished, and “skilled economic” class immigrants were more likely to enter poverty than their “family” class counterparts.     

Measuring poverty without the Mortality Paradox

Under income-differentiated mortality, poverty measures reflect not only the “true” poverty, but, also, the interferences or noise caused by the survival process at work. Such interferences lead to the Mortality Paradox: the worse the survival conditions of the poor are, the lower the measured poverty is. We examine several solutions to avoid that paradox. We identify conditions under which the extension, by means of a fictitious income, of lifetime income profiles of the prematurely dead neutralizes the noise due to differential mortality. Then, to account not only for the “missing” poor, but, also, for the “hidden” poverty (premature death), we use, as a fictitious income, the welfare-neutral income, making indifferent between life continuation and death. The robustness of poverty measures to the extension technique is illustrated with regional Belgian data.     

“Moroccan youngsters”: category politics in the Netherlands

The article analyses the categorization of “Moroccan youngsters” as a problem group in the Netherlands. Since the 1990s Dutch‐Moroccan boys and young men are set apart as a problematic group that presents a social and security threat and an emblem of the failure of multicultural society. We analyse the intersectional “category politics” of Dutch politicians to situate Moroccan‐Dutch youngsters as problematic outsiders. Our analysis makes clear how national origin, culture, class and gender intersect in the categorization of “Moroccan youngsters” constituting a national‐cultural category, which is also defined in terms of a disadvantaged socio‐economic position. This categorization has important implications for policy arrangements and proposed measures. Existing schooling and training measures are seen as inadequate to end incessant intergenerational patterns of dependence and poverty. Intervention in the sphere of the family and parenting are deemed necessary to transform “Moroccan youngsters” into “good citizens.”     

Measures for Studying Poverty in Family and Child Research

Most family scholars take the concept of poverty for granted. The variety of ways people have chosen to define and measure this concept, however, often makes it difficult to interpret or compare research results. We review and critique the ways that poverty has been measured in the family and child literatures as well as the measures that have been used to help understand variations in adaptation among those in poverty. In addition to reviewing more common measures, we include discussions of two new measures that have the potential to contribute to the literature on poverty: basic family budgets and social exclusion.     

Moving Up in Rural America: Economic Attainment of Nonmetro Latino Immigrants

Rapid Hispanic population growth represents a pronounced demographic transformation in many nonmetropolitan counties, particularly since 1990. Its considerable public policy implications stem largely from high proportions of new foreign‐born residents. Despite the pressing need for information on new immigrants in nonmetro counties and a bourgeoning scholarship on new rural destinations, few quantitative analyses have measured systematically the social and economic well‐being of Latino immigrants. This study analyzes the importance of place for economic well‐being, an important public policy issue related to rural Hispanic population growth. We consider four measures of economic mobility: full‐time, year‐round employment; home ownership; poverty status; and income exceeding the median national income. We conduct this analysis for 2000 and 2006–2007 to capture two salient periods of nonmetro Hispanic population growth, using a typology that distinguishes among nonmetropolitan areas by the categories of “traditional” immigrant destinations concentrated in the Southwest and Northwest, “new” immigrant destinations to capture recent and rapid Hispanic population growth in the Midwest and Southeast, and “all other” rural destinations as a reference category representing more typical nonmetro population trends. We also compare our results to those for metropolitan destinations. We find that place type matters little for stable employment but more so for wealth accumulation and income security and mobility. Compared with urban Latino immigrants, rural Latino immigrants exhibit higher rates of homeownership as well as greater likelihoods of falling into poverty and lower likelihoods of earning a measure of U.S. median income. From 2000 to 2006–2007, rural‐urban differences deteriorated slightly in favor of urban areas. We conclude by discussing implications of these findings and those of addressing rural immigrant economic well‐being more generally.     

Truth-in-sentencing,law enforcement,and inmate population growth☆

This paper presents the empirical estimation of an econometric model of the flow of prisoners into a state correctional system. Specifically, an econometric model was built to control for the number of parolees, the probability of admission to the state system, the size of the state population, the unemployment and poverty rates, the number of law enforcement officers within the state, and the state-wide “truth-in-sentencing” law, which requires convicts to serve at least 85% of their sentences. One primary result was that increases in the number of law enforcement officers has generated a decline in the growth rate of the prison population. This suggests that a “deterrent effect” is created when more police are placed on the beat. Furthermore, the results indicate that the truth-in-sentencing law has also slowed the rate of inmate population growth. This finding may reflect the growing trend for courts to hand down nontraditional sentences and to adjust prison sentences to reflect a constant “real time” of incarceration by crime.     

Family Social Work: The Past and the Present

SUMMARY

It is easy to blame the dysfunction of a family member on his or her behavioral patterns. I use the title, “It's the Relationship, Stupid!” not to talk down to family therapists, but to remind myself that the source of dysfunction is usually family relationships, especially the marriage relationship. This article gives several case studies for practical application of therapy techniques that focus on developing the “WE” of the family unit. One practical technique that I developed is a communication typology. The married couple (and family members) are divided into “Painters” and “Pointers.” This typology explains much of the conflict and mis-communication that leads to the breakdown of the “WE.” This article also presents dysfunction within the individual as a relationship problem and introduces the concept of the “spirit” of the individual as expressing the relationship the person has with self.     

Cultural capital in educational research: A critical assessment

In this article, we assess how the concept of cultural capital has been imported into the English language, focusing on educational research. We argue that a dominant interpretation of cultural capital has coalesced with two central premises. First, cultural capital denotes knowledge of or facility with “highbrow” aesthetic culture. Secondly, cultural capital is analytically and causally distinct from other important forms of knowledge or competence (termed “technical skills,” “human capital,” etc.). We then review Bourdieu’s educational writings to demonstrate that neither of these premises is essential to his understanding of cultural capital. In the third section, we discuss a set of English-language studies that draw on the concept of cultural capital, but eschew the dominant interpretation. These serve as the point of departure for an alternative definition. Our definition emphasizes Bourdieu’s reference to the capacity of a social class to “impose” advantageous standards of evaluation on the educational institution. We discuss the empirical requirements that adherence to such a definition entails for researchers, and provide a brief illustration of the intersection of institutionalized evaluative standards and the educational practices of families belonging to different social classes. Using ethnographic data from a study of social class differences in family-school relationships, we show how an African-American middle-class family exhibits cultural capital in a way that an African-American family below the poverty level does not.     

Cognitive behavioral interventions for depression among Hispanic people: promising meta-analytic evidence for deep cultural adaptations

ABSTRACT

Depressive disorders are common among Hispanic people. Evidence-informed guidelines indicate cognitive behavioral interventions (CBI), but they were developed primarily with non-Hispanic White people. Narrative studies of clients and workers along systematic review evidence suggested that well-defines cultural adaptations of CBIs would likely improve outcomes among Hispanics people with diverse mental health problems. We advanced the meta-analytic hypothesis that CBIs incorporating so-called “deep structure” cultural adaptations will be more effective than otherwise similar, but more superficially, “surface structure” or non-adapted interventions with depressed Hispanic people. This meta-analysis synthesized evidence from nine typically randomized trials in the United States with one subsample from the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico. Most clients were young women, living in poverty and suffering a reactive depressive episode. We found statistical and practical support for our hypothesis. In most practice contexts, CBI success rates were between 15% and 30% better than those typically observed with other usual practices. Moreover, these effects were maintained at 6- to 12-month follow-up. Given the size and growth of the Hispanic American population, their prevalent experience of depression, and the size of the intervention effects, these synthesized findings seem of potentially great human, clinical, and policy significance.     

Child welfare workers’ constructions and causal explanations of poverty

Studying the perceptions of the causes of poverty is warranted because individual perceptions shape behavior toward poor people and actions related to poverty. Prior studies relying heavily on survey methodology fail to capture deeper and fuller meanings participants apply to poverty. This study explores how child welfare workers understand poverty by examining their definitions of, and what they see as causal explanations of, poverty. Individual interviews were conducted with 30 child welfare workers throughout a Midwestern state. Analysis indicated that workers all defined poverty as ‘not getting basic needs met,’ corresponding to the underlying assumptions of absolute poverty measures. Workers simultaneously augmented these definitions using other poverty constructions, namely the federal guidelines and more complex views – conceptually in line with relative poverty measures – that account for factors outside income or consumption. Workers’ causal explanations of poverty were multifaceted. Causal explanations included structural/systemic, individual, family/generational, and luck, with the first three being most prominent. These findings have implications for practice and training in the child welfare system as it relates to poverty.     

Homelessness in Ottawa County Michigan: The “Gap” Population

Abstract

Homelessness has gained increasing attention since the 1980s in the United States. And the numbers of individuals and families experiencing homelessness are growing, with a 20,000 person, or 3% increase, from 2008 through 2009 (“State of Homelessness,” 2011). In spite of persistent investigation and activism on how to prevent and end homelessness, there is not agreement on what causes homelessness or how to stop it (McNamara, 2009). What is apparent, however, is that the homeless population is not homogenous. Therefore, the standard models of service, whether from governmental or non-governmental organizations (NGOs), end up neglecting the needs of portions of the population of people who face homelessness. Governmental and non-governmental service providers have recognized the existence of the unique sub-populations of people who are homeless and are attempting to understand and meet the needs of people outside the prevailing understanding of homelessness. This project works with a collaborative of such service providers through a multiple methodological approach to generate better understanding on the two key areas necessary to create models of service for people who are in the “gap” subsector of the homeless population. First, investigation was undertake to learn systematically who is included in the “gap” population among the homeless community, or, in other words, what traits those who continue to cycle in and out of homelessness, and thus are part of this “gap” population, share. Secondly, the project explores what organizations are currently serving these people, and how are they doing so. In other words, this project also ask what are the trends or practices that exist nationally and locally for serving people who fall into this category of homelessness? Findings suggest central traits including mental illness, substance abuse and a history of incarceration as factors spanning members of the “gap” population. Though there are caveats and practices to be avoided, these people are surviving or even thriving through the service primarily of faith-based non-governmental organizations, unfettered by the policy and funding constraints of governmental entities.     

Every Dot has a Meaning

Family therapy in Australia has recently begun a conversation with the indigenous people of this country. Part of this dialogue has involved family therapists listening to the stories of violence and oppression perpetrated against the Aboriginal people under the name of “protection”. This article is part of the ongoing exchange between family therapists and Kooris documenting the suffering of “the stolen generation”. Here two young people removed from their families as small children and raised in the same Aboriginal children's home, speak personally through their art, of an agonising search for family and cultural identity.     

Number of People in the United States Experiencing Ambulatory and Independent Living Difficulties

Estimating the characteristics of the “disabled” population is necessary for some governments and of interest to health researchers concerned with producing disability prevalence rates. Because generating easy-to-understand estimates of disability in the population is important, this article provides U.S. population estimates for two disability-related measures by using the 2009 to 2011 American Community Survey Public Use Microdata Sample file. The number of people who have “independent living” and “ambulatory” difficulties is calculated from a sample of 9,204,437 (representing >309 million people). The percentage for “disabled” is found to vary by racial and ethnic category, sex, age, citizenship status, educational attainment, and state-level regions divided by weather.     

Children In Poverty: The Fundamental Issue

According to the Census Bureau, 21.9 percent of children in the United States in 1992 were poor (25 percent if one considers only those under six). Those 14.6 million children comprise 40 percent of the total population living below the poverty line. This essay documents their plight, examines the secondary effects of poverty upon the person and community, analyzes why the current “subsidy” approach has been ineffective, seeks a holistic explanation for poverty, and proposes a universal approach based on “supplementation” and “empowerment.” Due to the present budget deficit, the program is designed to be revenue neutral; it should not require any additional taxes.     

AMERICAN POVERTY CAUSE BELIEFS AND STRUCTURED INEQUALITY LEGITIMATION

Poverty cause attribution research has sporadically explored social stratification beliefs for over three decades with mixed results. Explanations given for why there are poor people in America may reveal much about underlying structured inequality legitimating mechanisms. Using multiple regression, one-way ANOVA, and frequency distribution analyses, I uncover a conservative-liberal continuum underlying American poverty cause attributions. Past explanations for the mostly mixed nature of American attributions toward poverty are questioned. I suggest a more simple and straightforward explanation: mixed attribution styles, situated on a conservative-liberal continuum, may arise from American's distinguishing between at least two groups of poor people—“deserving” and “undeserving”—suggesting policy and future research agendas.     

The “American Dream” in Poor Urban Neighborhoods: An Analysis of Home Ownership Attitudes and Behavior and Financial Saving Behavior

Abstract

The desire for home ownership and saving to accumulate wealth are two hallmarks of the “American Dream” that are typically associated with middle class values. Much urban research has suggested that continual exposure to neighborhood poverty has produced attitudes and behavior that differ dramatically from these values. In this study, we examined whether residents in poor urban areas embraced these tenets of the American Dream. Based on the Urban Poverty and Family Life Survey of Chicago, logistic and multivariate analyses were used to assess the relationship of neighborhood poverty, race/ethnicity, household economics, and social variables to attitudes and behavior about home ownership and saving. The effects of “ghetto poverty” and neighborhood poverty “tipping points” were evaluated. Findings showed varying effects of race / ethnicity, neighborhood poverty, and social indicators depending on whether attitudes or behavior were under consideration. We also found that household economic status consistently was better in explaining participation in these tenets of the American Dream than variables that directly measure neighborhood poverty.     

Family Therapy … What's in a Name?*

The 2nd Australian and New Zealand Family Therapy Conference, held in Melbourne in July 1992, invited those making presentations to address the Conference theme Family Therapy … what's in a name? In a closing address to a plenary session of the Conference, I used the metaphor of first names (family) and surnames (therapy) to suggest that names are central to issues of identity. Our first name of “family” differentiates us within the larger group who share the surname “therapy”; but what does it mean to belong to the larger group sharing the name “therapy”? Historically, much of family therapy's energy has gone into issues concerned with establishing difference — difference within family therapy in terms of models and approaches, and difference from other approaches to therapy. Yet now perhaps family therapy would benefit from exploring what it shares in common with others who hold the same surname of “therapy”, with the possibility such dialogue could lead to mutual enrichment.     

A poverty-inequality trade off?

The idea that developing countries face a trade off between poverty and inequality has had considerable influence on thinking about development policy. The experience of developing countries in the 1990s does not, however, reveal any sign of a systematic trade off between measures of absolute poverty and relative inequality. Indeed, falling inequality tends to come with falling poverty incidence. And rising inequality appears more likely to be putting a brake on poverty reduction than to be facilitating it. However, there is evidence of a trade off for absolute inequality, suggesting that those who want a lower absolute gap between the rich and the poor must in general be willing to see lower absolute levels of living for poor people.Martin Ravallion: These are the views of the author, and need not reflect those of the World Bank or any affiliated organization.     

Teasing Out the Lessons of the 1960s: Family Diversity and Family Privilege

The tumult of the 1960s brought new strains of cultural relativism. I survey the continuing impact of some of these strains on family studies, focusing especially on the study of family diversity as an offshoot of the relativistic project. A dominant discourse still drives much of our work, however, and I illustrate it with some recent examples. The diversity agenda is hampered too often by unintended erasures of large categories of people in nondominant family arrangements. As a corrective to this tendency, I propose an agenda to study family privilege and entitlement, that is, to treat it as a “social problem” much as we treat poverty or juvenile delinquency. I illustrate with my own narrative of how I learned privilege and entitlement growing up male in a White, Jewish, upper‐middle‐class family. I end with some recommendations about how we might bring this agenda into our research and writing.